ADEKSAM Gostivar - Makedonya

Transkript

1 ADEKSAM Gostivar - Makedonya

2 ADEKSAM Gostivar - Makedonya

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4 BAŞYAZI Makedonya da Türk milli ve manevi kültürüyle ilgili araştırmaları bünyesinde ihtiva eden ve bu konuda yegane özelliğini koruyan HİKMET dergisinin 6. sayısı elinizde bulunmaktadır. İlk 5 sayısında olduğu gibi bu sayıda da değişik ve değerli yazılarla kamuoyunun karşısına çıkmış bulunmaktayız. Kıdemli ve tecrübeli hocalarımızın Türkçe ve İngilizce yazmış olduklárı makaleleri yanısıra, ilmi hayata yeni başlamış olan gençlerimize de imkan tanıyarak, HİKMET dergisi camiasını geniş tutmaya ve çoğaltmaya çalışıyoruz. Bu konudaki takdiri size değerli okuyuculara bırakıyoruz. HİKMET dergisinin, bu mahiyette Makedonya da-gostivar da yayınlanmaya başlaması aslında, bir hedef ve misyonun başlangıcı olarak sayılabilir. M.C. Kültür Bakanlığı tarafından yılda bir veya hiçbir Türkçe kitabın veya derginin yayınlanmadığı bir dönemde, ilmi mahiyeti taşıyan böyle bir derginin çıkarılması pek de kolay bir iş olmadığı kanaatindeyiz. Cesaret yanısıra, bu işi götürebilmek için maddi kaynağın bulunup temin edilmesi de başlı başına bir olaydır. Bir hayli maddi külfeti olan bu çalışmanın bizzat Gostivar ve yöre Türk halkı tarafından toplanan maddi yardımlar sayesinde yayınlanması, hakkikaten ADEKSAM ın üyeleri, destekleyicileri, sempatizanları ve Türk halkı ile hemhal olduğunun bir ispatı olsa gerek. Bu münasebetle, bu işi başlayan ve başlatanlara minnetar olduğumuzu ifade etmeye bir borç biliriz. Makedonya da hala canlı ve direnen bir gençliğin mevcudiyetini göstermek gayesiyle, HİKMET dergisini imkanlarımız dahilinde başta Balkan ülkelerindeki Üniversiteler ile onların kütüphanelerine olmak üzere, İngiltere, İsviçre ve ABD nin değişik Üniversite kütüphanelerine gönderiyoruz. Bu sayıdan itibaren, HİKMET dergisi yeni bir tasarımla ve değişik konulari ihtiva ederek karşınıza çıkmış bulunmaktadır. Değerli okurlarımızın beğenisini kazanacağımızı ümit ederek, bu sayının hazırlanmasında hizmeti geçen herkese teşekkür eder, hepsinden Allah razı olsun derim. Beytullah MUÇA 5

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6 EDİTÖR ün SÖZÜ İlmi araştırmalar dergisi HİKMET in altıncı sayısıyla, siz değerli okuyucularımıza, yeni daha cekici ve güzel bir tasarımla karşınıza çıkmaktayız. Her zaman daha iyi ve daha güzeli hedeflemenin sonucu olarak değişimler kaçınılmazdır. Dergimizin bu ve bundan önceki sayılarında sadece Makedonya dan değil de diğer ülkelerden de bize yazı gönderilmesi, böyle seviyeli ve bilgi dolu bir yayına olan özlemi ve verilen değeri simgeliyor olsa gerek. Bu sayımızda Yugoslavya nın dağılmasından sonra Makedonya daki etnik grupların hem devletle hem kendi aralarındaki ilişkileri; Osmanlı İmperatorluğu sırasında 18y.y.da Manastırda kurulan vakıfların işleyişi ve yönetilmesi; Balkan müslümanlarında Din-Kimlik bütünleşmesi üzerine yapılan kapsamlı bir araştırma ve onun sonuçları; İman kelimesinin anlamı ve ifade ettikleri; Türk dilinin en büyük özelliklerinden biri olan isim durumları ve onların ne ifade ettiği; Ülkemizdeki eğitim sistemi ve Türklerin eğitimi konusundaki sorunları; Veysi Üskübi nin sanatı, eserleri ve hayatı ve Makedonya-Türkiye arasındaki ekonomik ilişkiler hakkında çok farkı ve değerli yazılarımız var. Bundan sonraki sayıda da böyle seviyeli ve ilmi yazılarla buluşana dek herkese sağlıklı ve mutlu günler dilerim. Dr. Enis RECEP 7

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8 MACEDONIA: A VIEW ON THE INTER ETHNIC RELATIONS Prof. Dr. EMILIJA SIMOSKA One of the processes by which the present decade shall undoubtedly be remembered is the ethnic conflicts or wars that took place, most of which originated in the countries experiencing the so called period of transition. Among them, unavoidably, are the conflicts which happened in and between the countries which were established after the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation. In spite of the fact that their causes were much wider and deeper, it is evident that ethnic issues were used as a main instrument for the creation of new strategies or the practicing of the old ones. Within this context, the Republic of Macedonia has so far successfully resisted falling into the trap of such doctrines in spite of the suitable internal situation and the intensive influence of external factors. The internal milieu referred to concerns the specific character of its multi ethnic and multi confessional composition. Macedonia is a country where minorities represent one third of the population and where the citizens have different religious affiliations, even within the same ethnic group. It is to be expected in such environments that a certain amount of social and cultural prejudice will exist and Macedonia is no exception. Those negative feelings were especially intensified in the first years of multi party elections and following the establishment of independence. This intensification occurred mostly because ethnicity and religion were used for political ends by all sides, though the strong propaganda and various forms of external pressure to which the country has been exposed from neighbouring countries was also significant. However, the success of the policy was in keeping those feelings only up to the level of a certain national romanticism, no matter how loud it may have appeared at some moments. Thus, with the exception of a few incidents, the country managed not to become a typical conflict area in the militant meaning of the word. Speaking of the Macedonian ethnic environment in the broadest sense, there are two significant questions to be pointed out. The first one regards the way in which different ethnicities see themselves within the state and in relation to other ethnic collectivities, while the second one corners the development or the trend of the inter ethnic relations. Rather than concentrate on a theoretical analyses, we can on this paper approach these questions by presenting some of the data collected in Prof. Dr. Emilija Simoska is the president of Ethno Relations Centre, Social, Political and Law Research Institute in Macedonia. 9

9 several pieces of research into ethnic issues in recent years. This will provide an interesting illustration of the web of relations that exist among the citizens of different ethnic and religious backgrounds of the Republic of Macedonia. All research was conducted by the Centre for Ethnic Relations at the Institute for Sociological, Political and Juridical Research in Skopje. 1 One of the characteristics of Macedonia is the rather complex web of inter ethnic relations, not only due to the significant number of minority groups, but also because they differ greatly according to their size. On one side, the Albanian group represents around 23 per cent of the population, compared with groups such as the Turks, Vlachs, Roma, etc., which do not exceed five per cent each. Although the legislation draws no distinction between minority groups, in everyday live members of the large minority group can in fact more easily practice their rights (education, participation in the political institutions etc.). We can find confirmation of this if we look at the character of the demand made by different minorities. It becomes obvious that the Albanian group has mostly been concerned about the increase of the rights which exceed the limits of the legal system, while the small minority groups have complained mainly about the application of the laws in practice. An imbalance such as this can cause the deterioration of the situation in two ways. First, it turns almost all attention to one minority only, creating the possibility that the other minorities will be to some extent neglected. Second, it creates an additional web of intolerance which is not limited to the majority minority scheme, but concerns the relations among the different minorities themselves. As a logical consequence, it can be expected that the attitudes of such groups would differ with regards to their position, which is exact picture exhibited trough the results of the mentioned research. Data can be selected from the large amount collected in order to illustrate this subject with a particular accent on three issues: prejudices and stereotypes, attitudes towards the state and political institutions, and some features of the political culture. The different experiences of the minorities and the majority, is one of the elements which is most directly reflected in their attitude towards the state and its institutions. One of the crucial questions in this regard may be the one of loyalty not as some form of obedience, but as a category indicating the degree in which the citizens experience the state as their own. A very significant year for observation of this issue would be the one chosen for the mentioned research, In that 1 We refer to the projects: The Ethnic and the Religious Distance between the Population in Macedonian conducted first in 1987/88 and repeated in 1991/92; The Loyalty of the Citizens towards the State (1993/1994) and Factor of Inter-Ethnic Tensions in the Process of Education. 10

10 year, the new constitution was adopted, which made the profile of the state more visible ; new legislation was progressing and the direction of the functioning of the institutions was recognizable, greatly influencing the attitudes of the citizens. For the creation of an attitude of loyalty one of the essential factors is one s self perception as a citizen. According to the research on this issue conducted in that particular year, one of the most interesting findings was that in a country with legislation which applies equal standards to all citizens (therefore to all minorities), the differences in the attitudes between the minority groups were surprisingly big. To give a more specific example, according to the data, 42 per cent of the Albanians and the Serbs declared that they felt themselves to be second class citizens because of their ethnic background; 35 per cent of the Roma had the same feeling, while, contrary to this, over 90 per cent of the Turks and the Vlachs regarded themselves as equal citizens. Consequently, 87 per cent of Albanians felt discriminated against, 50 per cent of the Roma and the Serbs had that feeling, while discrimination was felt by less than 10 per cent of the Turks and the Vlachs. Those attitudes directly correlate with an evaluation of the country s legislation and policy. Asked about the legislation regarding minority rights (use of language, transcription of personal documents, education, etc.) the groups differed in their answers as well. If we summarize them, it appears that around two third of the Macedonian population was not quite happy with the laws because they felt they were losing their position as a nation. Over 80 per cent of the Albanians disapproved of them because they felt they were not gaining enough rights as a minority. Half of the Roma and the Serbs were disconnected as well, while over 80 per cent of the Turks and the Vlachs found the legal solution as suitable. Regarding the political institutions, a summary of attitudes give the following picture: the Macedonians mostly trusted the president of the republic (over 80 per cent), less trusted the government (45 per cent) and trusted the parliament (around 20 per cent). Eighty per cent found the army to be protective enough and would serve in it in peace as well as join it if peace was endangered and defence of the country become necessary; seventy-six per cent of the Albanians believed in the policy of the president and 46 per cent in the government. All other institutions were evaluated negatively by more than two third of the population, especially the army and the police; the Turks and the Vlachs were very supportive about all institutions (over 80 per cent) except the parliament which was 11

11 evaluated negatively by the same percentage. It must be pointed out that the Turkish population had the highest positive attitude towards the army and especially towards defence of the country in general (over 90 per cent). the Roma population exhibited very positive attitudes generally (over 90 per cent on all issues), while contrary to that, the Serbs had highly negative feelings about practically everything related to the state. A few years later, due to some objective factors, the discontent among all groups had grown (by per cent), but the proportions among the different ethnic groups remained the same, indicating to some extent a constant degree of integration of each of them in the society. Apart from policy and legislation, one of the main reasons for these attitudes can be related to specific inter relationships among the population, which brings us to the question of the prejudices in the broadest sense. Although it is well known that there is no multiethnic society where stereotypes do not exist, they do not necessarily have to be dangerous if they remain only within the cultural matrix. However, they also present a very convenient source for inter ethnic tensions, depending on the way they are instrumentalized. In the former, pretransitional system, prejudices were also a component of Macedonian society, although most of them were of a social and cultural nature, originating from the differences in ways of life, the customs or the habits that existed between various groups. Around the first year of the country s independence, it was possible to recognize a slow but certain transformation of the social and cultural prejudices into specific political attitudes. In terms of research data, in the 1980s only around 10 per cent of people regarded ethnicity as an important issue, while in 1991, the proportion was quite the opposite among all ethnic and the religious background of their friends, associates and neighbours, to question the mixed marriages, or ( briefly ) to experience other ethnicities as something else. Such a way of thinking was encouraged by various political parties or imported ideologies. All of it resulted in a closing of the ethnic collectivities towards each other. This ethno centrism was in this period most evident among the Albanians (around 60 per cent) and Macedonians (50 per cent), while the other minorities were neither the subject nor object of such attitudes. Only two years later, according to similar research, there was already a well developed web of prejudices with various combinations. The Macedonians exhibited most prejudices against the Albanians and to a lower degree, towards the Roms; the Albanians were prejudiced mostly against Macedonians and Serbs; Turks and Roma were 12

12 significantly open towards the other groups, with a smaller percentage (20 per cent) of negative attitudes towards the Albanians; the Serbs mainly disliked everybody who was not Orthodox. However, those prejudices were still mostly related to differences in everyday life. According to some tests applied within the research, more than 70 per cent of the total population did not exhibit an emotional hatred or any form of aggressiveness towards the other ethnicities, which confirmed that in this period, we could mainly speak about a distance something that still floated on the surface. There were only smaller groups among the Macedonians and the Albanians (10-15 per cent) who openly exhibited extreme negative attitudes (people who were ready to start even a war for the interests of their nation, or who believed that the only solution to the ethnic problems was by applying force ). A most interesting phenomenon during this period was the change of attitudes among young people. In the beginning they were most open group, unburdened which prejudices (according to the research, over 90 per cent of this population deserved to be classified as tolerant ). In a few years, the value matrix had suffered drastic changes in the direction. Besides that, the age of politicized generations was going down towards the lower limits, meaning that by 1996, even the children of elementary school leaving age began to exhibit very clear opinions about various aspect of political life. Attention should be concentrate particularly on this age group, basically for two reasons: first, this phenomenon, among others, is a very strong indicator that adults political attitudes have radicalized greatly and that socialization within the family, media or other informal groups is becoming a more influential factor than the educational system. Second, the political culture of those generations is the basis for future development of inter ethnic relations in country. The available data from 1996 are quite illustrative of this issue, showing how the web of stereotypes and prejudices outlines the basic features of inter ethnic relations. In order to investigate that each ethnic group thinks of itself and of the others, a technique was used in which to lists were presented to the polled young people: a list of 25 characteristics (positive and negative) and a list of different nationalities. They had to relate each nationality to the characteristic they think suits it best. The results were the following: the Macedonians considered themselves as hard working, peaceful and honest people. To the Albanians, the Macedonians were hard working but dishonest the Turks 13

13 saw the Macedonians as hard working, peaceful and cultured; the Albanians saw themselves as diligent, honest and educated, while to the Turks they were a militant nation. The Macedonians considered the Albanians primitive and backward; the Turks regarded themselves as hard working, cultured and educated. To the Albanians, the Turks were hard working and peaceful and the Macedonians saw the Turks as great warriors. There was an interesting similarity in opinions between the Macedonians, Albanians and Turks when they evaluated Serbs, the Vlachs an the Roma. All three groups considered the Serbs aggressive and militant, the Roma as poor and lazy and the Vlachs as stingy and clever. The fact that the answers grouped around a few choices and that they did not differ by any other factors (sex, social status, etc.) except ethnic background indicates that we can even speak about group stereotypes. The stereotypes of course become a danger only if they develop into a specific intolerance or aggression towards others. This leads to the question about the degree in which the ethnicities close within themselves, as a first phase. It is difficult to explore this problem through interviews or polls due to its complexity, yet some results are quite illustrative. When young people were asked about some basic principles and values, their level of declared tolerance was very high. For example, over 90 per cent of them accepted the principles of equality and coexistence with minorities on terms of equal rights, etc. However, than those general values or the should be issues were transformed into real, everyday examples, the situation changed. For illustration, the same population, in the same sample and research exhibited the following: the statement that one should always be cautious in relation to other nations (people) was accepted by two-thirds of the population; and one should be loyal only to one s own people was accepted by 76 per cent; and, further, the attitude that one should always give an advantage to one s own people was accepted by 67 per cent, regardless of the ethnic background of those polled. (In comparison with research in , the positive responses on those question doubled.) An even more specific example about the limits determined by ethnicity was the attitude towards mixed marriages. While 10 years ago ethnically clean marriages were desirable for less than onethird of the young people in 1996 the percentage was two times higher, with evident differences between the different groups. Homogenous 14

14 marriages were preferred by 38 per cent of the Macedonians, 50 per cent of the Turks and 79 per cent of the Albanians. The choice of friends or associates had never before been related to their ethnic background, but last year s data indicated the over one-quarter of the young people would be friendly only to members of their own ethnic group. Thirty-four per cent also claimed that it was difficult to be friendly with people who do not belong to their people (10 years ago this response was given by less than 4 per cent). Undoubtedly, barriers of this kind do not have to lead to practical hostility, just as mixed marriages and friendships in some other countries were no guarantee of the prevention of radical conflicts or wars. Nevertheless, if compared with previous years, they indicate a deepening of the ethnic distance between different groups. Although it is impossible to present all the data in this direction, even those few indicators show that, at this moment we can speak with certainty about the creation of some parallel worlds whose boundaries are determined by rather closed ethnic groups. In such an environment, it is not surprising that two-thirds of those polled experienced their ethnicity as much different to the others, a percentage which went the other by 10 years ago. Concerning the differences that appear with regards to the nationality of the polled, their scope was per cent between different groups. If we summarize them, it appears that the most closed and ethnocentric group was the Albanian and the most open and positive the Turkish, while the Macedonians held close to the average. The next step towards intensifying inter-ethnic tensions happens when the stereotypes and the prejudices are transformed into negative emotions, hatred or aggressiveness, which are equality dangerous even if they remain latent. Without an aim to measure this through a poll, there was one question which partiality indicated this direction. In the research it was formulated as which nationality do you hate most of all?, with an alternative of either naming it or declaring I don t hate any of them. When this question was included 10 years ago, there were rather strong reactions to it by young people, even comments that the question was rude. Consequently, the percentage of those who claimed they did not hate anybody was over 85 per cent. In the last research (1996), were no reactions and the percentage of the ones unburdened with hate fell to 45 per cent of the total, 30 per cent of the Albanians, 48 per cent of the Macedonians and 55 per cent of the Turks. The other side of the answers showed that the Macedonians mostly hated the Albanians, the Albanians mostly hated the Macedonians and the Serbs while the Turks mainly hated the Serbs. The Vlachs and the Roma were barely mentioned. 15

15 It is evident that the structures of this complex resemble the stereotypes, indicating that they are clear features of the political culture although we speak of generation who are yet in the process of creating it. The last indicator which is most radical in character relates to a possible development of these trends. It concerns the question whether the young population fears a conflict at all. Unfortunately, in spite of highly positive responses towards peace as a desired value, 49 per cent of those polled claimed that they are ready to even start a war if it serves the interests of their people. For comparison, this number in 1987 was only eight per cent. There is no doubt that the presented (even all the available) data would not be sufficient for an elaboration of the inter-ethnic picture in Macedonian. Neither are they completely adequate for a certain prognosis. The complexity of this problem includes factors with a strong influence, such as the economic crisis, interference for neighbouring countries and the distribution of internal political forces, etc. There is one element nevertheless, which can be employed in conclusion. The changes in the value system of the population in the part of inter-ethnic relations happened very quickly. They can not be considered as an authentic Macedonian phenomenon or something which has always been, because this country does not have a bad collective memory of any kind of conflicts based on either ethnicity or religion. The tensions experienced in the past 6-7 years most certainly derived greatly from outside help. The impact of those external factors often varies and changes regardless of the will of the citizens. To this extent it is difficult to make a certain prognosis about whether the country will remain as the one peaceful zone in the region or whether it will turn into a bomb ready to explode. Macedonia has never been an isolated problem, but an issue which exceeds its borders, even the borders of the Balkans. 16

16 Summary After the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation, countries that were part of it faced with many conflicts and wars that marked the last decade for the region. In spite of the fact that their causes were much wider and deeper, it is evident that ethnic issues were used as a main instrument for the creation of new strategies or the practicing of the old ones. Within this context, the Republic of Macedonia has so far successfully resisted falling into the trap of such doctrines in spite of the suitable internal situation and the intensive influence of external factors. In his paper two significant questions are explored: The first one regards the way in which different ethnicities see themselves within the state and in relation to other ethnic collectivities, while the second one corners the development or the trend of the inter ethnic relations. Rather than concentrate on a theoretical analyses, the paper approaches these questions by presenting some of the data collected in several pieces of research into ethnic issues in recent years. ÖZET Yugoslavya Federasyonun dağılmasıyla, onu olusturan ülkeler çatışma ve savaşlarla karşı karşıya kaldilar. Bu gelişmeler bölgeyi son on yılda derinden etkilmistir. Hernekadar sebep ve nedenleri daha farklı ve derin olsa da, etnik sorunun yeni stratejilerin çizilmesi yada eskilerin kullanılması açısından esas araç olarak kullanılmıştır. Bu çerçeve içinde Makedonya Cumhuriyeti, iç siyasetinin uygunluğu itibariyle bu doktrinlere uyum sağlaması ve dış faktörlerin yoğun etkisine rağmen bu tür oyunlara karşı durmayi başarabilmiştir. Bu makale iki önemli sorunu işlemektedir: Birincisi, değişik etnik grupların devletle ve aralarindaki ilişkiler araştirilmakta; bir ikincisi de etnik gruplar arasindaki ilişkiler gelişimi incelenmektedir. Makale teorik yaklaşımlardan ziyade son dönemlerde etnik gruplar arasındaki ilişkiler hakkında yapılan araştırmaların sonuçlarına dayanıp soruna farklı bir yaklaşım getirmektedir. 17

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18 WAQF PROPERTY AND ITS ADMINISTRATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: A CASE OF MANASTIR WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO 18 TH CENTURY JUDICIAL RECORDS * BY MESUT IDRIZ INTRODUCTION From the early age of Islam, it was known evidently that the Caliphs and common people in Muslim communities made a practice of devoting some wealth to the privy purse of religious institutions. The bulk of revenues from religious institutions were derived from private charities, principally in the form of permanent endowments of land and other immobile and mobile properties either by deed of waqf or by habs ( restrain ). In fact in Muslim society, charitable institutions were nearly always established as waqfs. The property so restrained (mawqūf or mahbūs) was thereby withdrawn from all further transfer of ownership, and its usufruct was devoted to a specific aim which was designated by the endower (wāqif). Such waqfs were created by innumerable governors and private persons from the earliest centuries of Islam for the benefit of mosques, madrasahs, zāwiyahs, and charities of all kinds, and were by theory valid in perpetuity. 1 * Manastir (present day Bitola) was an old city in present day Macedonia with a unique historical, artistic, aesthetic, and architectural profile. Throughout the centuries it became important not only in the fields of economy and trade, but also as an administrative and cultural center. Manastir was situated near the site of the ancient town of Heraclea where the eastern foothills of the 2601m high Pelister mountain merges with the plains of the Pelagonian valley, with the river Drahor (Dragor) on both sides. With regard to the forms of both Muslim and non-muslim names, they are indicated as b. and veledi where both mean son of, like Mehmed b. Ali and Yovan veledi Nikola, and also binti and veldeti where both mean daughter of, like Fatıma binti Mehmed and Roso veldeti Trayko. Archival sources are cited as follows: e.g. Sijil: #54-2a-3, meaning Manastir qādī sijil (judicial/court record) number 54, page 2a, entry 3. However, the pages in most volumes are not numbered; in such cases I began counting from the first page containing court business. All the archival materials used for the purpose of this article are preserved at the State Archives in Skopje, Macedonia, where they now represent the principal holdings remaining from the Ottoman period. The Author is currently Assistant Professor Dr. at the Department of History and Civilization, International Islamic University, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. 1 For comprehensive study of the institution of waqf in general and its development throughout history see the following works: Abdulwahhāb Khallāf, Ahkam al-waqf, (Cairo: n. p., 1951); Muhammad Abū Zahrā, Muhādarāt fī al-waqf, (Cairo: n. p., 1971); Ziya Kazıcı, Islamî ve Sosyal Açidan Vakiflar, (Istanbul: Marmara Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Yayinlari, 1985); Wahbah al-zuhaylī, Al-Fiqh al-islāmī wa adillatuh, vol.: 10, 19

19 These kinds of endowments were widely practiced in the homelands of the Ottoman Empire. 2 Under Ottoman rule, as with earlier Muslim governments, anyone from either Muslim or dhimmī communities were entitled to form waqfs, and they did so. The objectives for which waqfs were founded are almost innumerable. Apart from specifically religious institutions such as mosques and zāwiyahs, and educational institutions such as madrasahs, maktabs, and libraries, virtually all public works such as roads, bridges, fountains, and lighthouses were provided by these private means, as were other more charitable institutions, like bimâristâns (hospitals), hostels, and kitchens. In addition to this, many waqfs were founded to supply money to the needy and to give assistance in kind, such as aid for the poor inhabitants of particular villages and quarters of towns, and food and clothing for the aged and school children. All such types of endowment were appropriately called waqf khayrī (public). These may be distinguished from another type of waqf called waqf ahlī (or waqf dhurrī, family). The latter is a type of waqf where the endower would allocate property in the same way as other waqfs, but the revenues it accrued would be solely for the provision of livelihood for his descendants as long as any remain, and from which succeeding generations might benefit. A title deed of endowment was called waqfiyyah (vakfiye), and was drafted before a qādī, was entered in the sijil and confirmed by the sultan. In the waqfiyyahs of both types of endowment, public and family, the properties the revenues derived from each which were meant to maintain them and all persons appointed to administer and serve them, together with their emoluments, were minutely particularized. Though a waqf was a financially and administratively autonomous foundation in the Ottoman Empire, the state controlled and confirmed all waqfs, since they had the character of freehold property. 3 The founder of a waqf, who was called the wāqif, was free to appoint anyone he/she wished as administrator. In all waqfs the endower appointed an administrator, who was called a mutawallī (mutevellî), and whose appointment was called (Damascus: Dar al-fikr, 1997) pp ; and Murat Çizakça, A History of Philanthropic Foundations: The Islamic World From the Seventh Century to the Present, (Istanbul: Boğaziçi University Press, 2000). 2 The detailed examination and comparative study of the institution of waqf in the Ottoman Empire is done by Ahmet Akgündüz, see his Islam Hukukunda ve Osmanlı Tatbikatında Vakıf Müessesesi, (Ankara: Turk Tarihi Kurumu Basımevi, 1988). See also Fuad Köprülü, Vakıf müessesesinin hukukî mahiyeti ve tarihî tekâmülü, in Vakiflar Dergisi, 2 (1942), pp. 1-35; and Ömer Lütfi Barkan, Osmanlı imparatorlugunda bir iskân ve kolonizasyon metodu olarak vakıflar ve temliker, in Vakiflar Dergisi, 2 (1942), pp Halil İnalcık, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age Trans. Norman Itzkowitz and Colin Imber, (New York: Aristide D. Caratzas, 1989), pp

20 tawliyah (tevliye). In large waqfs usually a superintendent, called a nāzir (nâzir) was usually appointed as well. 4 The mutawallī was responsible for all matters related to the waqf, taking measures for the collection and growth of its income, using these funds to fulfill the conditions of the endowment, to pay the foundation s employees, and for maintenance and repair. The nāzir was an inspector, determining whether or not the conditions of the endowment were being fulfilled. Once a year, the principal officers and employees of the waqf would meet to discuss whether they had accomplished their duties as stipulated by the waqfiyyah. This group could request for the mutawallī s dismissal. The state, through the local qādī or a specially appointed inspector, audited the accounts of each waqf. The aim of all these precautions was to ensure that the institution continued to fulfill its proper function. WAQF PROPERTY AND ITS ADMINISTRATION IN THE OTTOMAN MANASTIR Since all waqfs were recorded in the qādī sijils, it is possible by an examination of the sheer extant of the archives of various provincial courts to obtain detailed and exact figures of the numbers, destinations, and character of waqf foundations established during the Ottoman era. Men and women who owed property, from the Ottoman sultan and his family down through the social ranks, founded waqfs. Manastir, which was a famous Balkan city, was no exception to this pattern. However, in comparison to other cities where the population was considerably higher, the number of waqfs founded in Manastir was adequate. During the 18 th century, for instance, the number of waqfs that founded in Manastir was less than 10% percent in comparison to the ones in Aleppo during the same period. There were less than 50 waqfs in Manastir compared to almost 500 in Aleppo. 5 Nevertheless, it may be assumed that they were founded according to the needs in the society. In Manastir, when a new waqf was founded, in particular large and cash waqfs, it had to be approved by the court as being legitimate and necessary before it could take effect. The test was whether or not the endower conformed to the doctrines of all or any of the great imāms of the past such as Abū Hanīfah and Abū Yūsuf, but this test seemed to have not been applied to small waqfs, like prayers and reciting the 4 Besides those two, there were other persons frequently appointed too, among them was jābī (câbî). However, the chief ones were mutawallī and nāzir. 5 For the number of waqfs during this period in Aleppo, see H.A.R. Gibb & H. Bowen, Islamic Society and the West: A Study of the Impact of Western Civilization on Moslem Culture in the Near East, vol.: 1, part: 1, (London: Oxford University Press, 1950) p