Directions in Urban Place Name Research

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1 Directions in Urban Place Name Research compiled by Terhi Ainiala and Jani Vuolteenaho Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen verkkojulkaisuja 23 Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus Helsinki 2011 URN:ISBN ISSN X

2 CONTENTS Directions in urban place name research Foreword Terhi Ainiala and Jani Vuolteenaho On ancient Luwian elements in the toponymy of the Beyşehir county, Turkey Mustafa Arslan Lingual and extra-lingual aspects of development of street names in the Czech Rebublic Milan Harvalík Street names and context Olga Mori Newly built fortified cities in New Urbanism style: what kind of names are the streets being given? Riemer Reinsma APPENDIX: Collected place names from villages in the Beyşehir county (On ancient Luwian elements in the toponymy of the Beyşehir county, Turkey) Mustafa Arslan 1

3 Foreword In August 2009, The Research Institute for the Languages of Finland organized an international symposium on urban place name research in Vuosaari, Helsinki, Finland. Over 60 scholars from all over the world attended the first-of-its-kind meeting, paying witness to a considerable upsurge in the interest in the onomastic aspects of urban processes lately experienced in many humanities and social sciences. Even in more fruitful and multiple ways than we initially dared to wish as the organizers, the goals set to the symposium were fulfilled perfectly. Our sincerest thanks belong to all who present in Vuosaari during those enthusiastic days. Increasingly, urban place name scholars have begun to ask questions such as: In what ways power structures and social identities are constructed and contested through the naming of streets and other urban constructions? What is the role of place names in the formation of lived everyday meanings and cognitive perceptions of urban space? What is the contribution of specific disciplines to the study of urban toponymies, and how might interdisciplinary approaches to it be best facilitated? In the Vuosaari symposium, the keynote speakers professor Staffan Nyström (University of Uppsala) and professor Maoz Azaryahu (University of Haifa) considered these issues from the perspectives of urban name planning and the politics of toponymic commemorations, respectively. In addition, nearly 40 session papers investigated institutional procedures, commercial aspirations and day-today meanings related to toponymic landscapes in both historical and present-day urban settings. This Internet-compilation comprises of four contributions presented in the symposium. In the initiating paper, Olga Mori thoughtfully discusses the contextual embeddedness of street names, in both linguistic and non-linguistic senses of the term. Next, Mustafa Arslan brings to fore the elements of the ancient Luwian language in the present toponymy of Turkey and its county of Beyşehir, in particular. In the following account of the changing historical and political circumstances of naming practices in the Czech Republic, Milan Harvalik stresses the importance of approaching the task of selection of public urban names with consideration and responsibility especially if past mistakes as exemplified by the Czech case are to be avoided. In the final paper, Riemer Reinsma topically points out Dutch instances of a new urban naming trend in which the orientational and descriptive functions of old names are being replaced by deliberately nostalgic onomastic evocations. Terhi Ainiala and Jani Vuolteenaho 2

4 Mustafa Arslan (SELÇUK university, Turkey) On ancient Luwian elements in the toponymy of the Beyşehir county, Turkey Introduction Located in central Anatolia, the surrounding areas of the city of Konya have been inhabited since Neolithic ages (Kapucu 2008). Most famously, the neolithic Çatalhöyük settlement is known around Turkey and even the whole world. Its history dates back to 7500 BC. In addition, the later presence of Hittite cultures in the region has been evidenced by archaeological and written sources (Bahar 1996). The Luwian language, a most common and longest lived language during the Hittite period, was used in the area in the second millennium BC (Alp 2005). In the classical age, the Konya region was known as Lykaonia (Bahar 1996), a name obviously derived from the word luqqa in 2000 BC (Alp 2005). For its part, the name Konya is a derivative of İkonnion, or İconium, as it is referred to in the New Testament (Acts of the Apostles, XIII-XIV). In 1069, Seljuqian raiders occupied central Anatolia and the city of Konya (Sevim 1990). After the Malazgirt Battle in 1071, Anatolia was conquered by the Seljuqs. In turn, İconium became known as Konya. The county of Beyşehir is located in the western part of the current Konya province. It was inhabited in the Neolithic ages, too, as studies regarding this period indicate the culvation of domesticated cereals and peas, as well as the keeping of cattle and sheep (Bordaz 1973). Archaeological studies conducted in Erbaba, the first known settlement in the Beyşehir area, have discovered links between Çatalhöyük and Hacılar settlements in Burdur (Mellink 1976). Hence, Beyşehir and its vicinity were in touch with central Anatolia and Mediterranean region even in the Neolithic ages. Beyşehir was an important center in the Hittite Period, too. There are two beautiful monuments still left in the area that belonged to the Hittites. While the Eflatunpınar Monument is located in Sadıkhacı town, the Fasıllar Statue, over seven meters in height, lies within a classical Roman stadium in Fasıllar village (Mellaart 1962) (Figures 1a & 1b). Inferred from these monuments and other sources, the Luwian language was commonly used in the region. 3

5 Figures 1a & 1b. The Eflatunpınar Monument on the left, the Fasıllar Monument on the right (Photos: Hasan Bahar, June 2007). Elements of the Luwian language surviving in toponymy The oldest Luwian elements are found in tablets from the age of Assyrian trade colonies. In the light of personal and place names mentioned in them, the first Luwians came to Anatolia before 2000 BC. While the south of Turkey was known as Luwia during the so-called Old Kingdom, the Luwian language was spoken in the current territory of Turkey until the end of the 6th century BC (Bahar 2005). As Alp (2005) has observed, place names with -nt and -ss suffixes found currently in Anatolia, Greece and even Italy are originally Luwian. In addition, one can find an abundance of words abra, apra, abra and ibra, and words based on these roots, in the toponymy of the historical area of Luwian Pelasg culture, in particular. As Umar (1993) has pointed out, these words refer to different types of places associated with water, and especially to geographical features with substantial amounts of water in their vicinity. Interestingly, many currently used Turkish place names with -ibr and -ivr roots also appear to be associated with water. My argument is that these names probably are the vestiges of the ancient Luwian language. A number of examples from the Beyşehir county and other regions of Turkey, such as Ibrim (a place near Lake Beysehir), Çivril (a village near a river), İvriz (a village near a spring), or İbradı (a county near Manavgat River), thus betray an original Luwian association with water. Likewise, there exists an interesting place name in Karahisar village in Beysehir: Cebrail Çesmesi (Figure 2). While the generic term Çesme means drinking fountain in Turkish, Cebrail is the archangel Gabriel and also a common first name for males in Turkey. Yet the root -ebr in Cebrail gives a hint that the original name for the age-old fountain and its surroundings was not connected with the Archangel Gabrial (the messenger of God who did not have a duty to do with water), or a person named after him. 4

6 Figure 2. Cebrail Çeşmesi in Karahisar (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008). Another good example of a drinking fountain is located in the neighbouring city of Aksehir. Its name is İbre Çeşmesi İbre drinking fountain (Figure 3). İbre means pin shaped thing in Turkish. Yet this meaning and the feature in question appear to have no relationship whatsoever. As I interpret it, Turkish people named the above two drinking fountains after the (phonetic) model the Luwian people had done before them. However, this history has not attracted scholarly attention so far not the least because ibre also has an established Turkish meaning (while nobody thinks about its connection with the ancient Luwian language). Figure 3. İbre Çeşmesi in Akşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, August 2008). Further, if one looks at the photographs of Çivril, Çivreller, Çivriller and İbrim (figures 4, 5, 6 and 7), it is easy to see these geographical structures matching the definitions of abra, apra, ebra, ibra. 5

7 In each case, there is a stream or small river flowing in a narrow bed. Likely, all these names are the relics of Luwian language, renamed during the Turkish presence in Anatolia after the 13th century. Figure 4. Çivril in Beyşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008). Figure 5. Çivreller in Beyşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008). 6

8 Figure 6. Çivriller in Beyşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008). Figure 7. İbrim in Beyşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 008). Towards an historical understanding of the toponymy of the Beyşehir county While the purpose of this article is not to present any definite analysis of ancient Luwian elements in the place names of Beyşehir, it is worthwhile to refer to a recent inventory of its toponymy. In the Beyşehir county, there are 8 towns and 36 villages (Alperen 2001; see also the headings in Appendix 1). In them, altogether place names were collected for mainly documentary purposes, and without prior intention to trace Luwian elements in currently used vernacular toponymy. However, the collected material included several clues to the existence of such historically borrowed elements from this dead ancient language. In this respect, the case of Beyşehir shows how place names are heritages from our ancestors and previous cultures even though current speakers are not necessarily aware of these connections. As we interviewed the villagers between , we aimed at a many-sided approach to locally used place names. In each town and village, we mainly targeted the interviews to local old-timers. For this purpose, shephards, farmers, and the oldest inhabitants were favoured as name informants. However, to quarantee that the names mentioned in the discussions were in actual use, village headmen were also asked to be present in the interviews. At the same time, we tried to make as much use of uneducated informants as possible. This was because it was observed that educated people (especially those graduated from high schools) tended to alter the vernacular pronunciation of names in the interviews. For instance, they insisted on pronouncing the word for spring as pınar, even though less educated people in many villages often used bunar, munar, muhar or bınar instead of this standard Turkish word. Obviously, analyzing only the standard spellings and pronunciations would have not shown the actual diversity of language and toponymy used in the study area. Further, to interpret the meanings of compiled data, we consulted The Contemporary Turkish Dictionary in cases in which place names contained unknown words for us as researchers. As the second step, The Dialectal Dictionary of the Regions of Turkey was resorted to when the above mentioned source did not provide assistance. As Table 1 evinces, the majority of place names used 7

9 in the Beyşehir county were references to geographical features, vegetation, family names and their estates, as well as commemorative toponyms. Table 1. A semantic classification of the toponymic data collected in the Beyşehir county (see also Appendix 1). 1. Georaphical Structures Water Plants Inhabitants names Colours Unidentified names Historical places Animals Directions Events Others 98 Total: place names However, and importantly in the context of this article, we could not find any semantic meaning for some place names from the aforementioned sources (see the subcategory of Unidentified names in Table 1). While further studies on the subject are needed, it is obvious that at least a substantial portion of these names are to be explained by the historically multi-layered nature of toponymy in the Beyşehir county, including the existence of originally Luwian vestiges in it. With respect to the other ten subcategories in Table 1, some preliminary remarks can be made, too. Often, the case was so that the informants could give some information about names in accordance with their established dictionary meanings. However, I became to realize that in many cases the villagers were not precisely aware of what a place name meant even though it had a dictionary definition. To provide an example: when my informants talked about Görüklük, they said that they did not know the meaning of it. At the same time, however, they could mention that the area to which the name referred reminded a football pitch, or that the cows of the village are gathered there before heading for grazing pastures. Interestingly, a dictionary check gives the word Görük the meaning of a herd of animals (especially cows). This example shows that the original meanings of specific words can be gradually forgotten by new generations. Further, the name-explanations given by locals were sometimes misleading in etymological terms. For instance, the informants very often tried to explain unknown terms in place names through connecting these to legendary events, even though these explanations could be plainly non-sensical. My belief is that these kinds of easy folketymological explanations often prevent people to find out the actual historical meanings behind locally used place names. Conclusions As languages are living entities, it is always possible to borrow words and name-elements from other languages to them. Accordingly, these elements can survive in languages and place names 8

10 even for centuries. For sure, there exist a range of examples of these kinds of surviving vestigial names all over the world. In this article I have started to illuminate how the ancient elements of the now dead Luwian language continue to hide in the current native Turkish language as if they would belong to that language itself. Acknowlegement The study presented in the article has been financed by the Selçuk University Scientific Research Project Coordinating Office (BAP). References Alp, S. 2005: Hitit Çağında Anadolu. Ankara.. Alperen, B. 2001: Beyşehir ve Tarihi. Konya.. Arslan, Mustafa 2006: Beyşehir deki Yer Adlarının Kültürel Boyutu. I. Uluslararası Beyşehir ve Yöresi Sempozyumu.. Bahar, H. 1996: Eskiçağ Konya Araştırmaları I. İstanbul.. Bahar, H. 2005: Eskiçağ Tarihi. Konya.. Bordaz, J. 1973: Current Research in the Neolithic of South Central Turkey: Suberde, Erbaba and Their Chronological. Implications. In: American Journal of Archaeology 77:3, Kapucu, N., Palabıyık, H. 2008: Turkish Public Administration From Tradition to the Modern Age. Ankara. Kitabi Mukaddes, Resullerin İşleri XIV-XV. İstanbul.. Mellaart, J. 1962: The Late Bronze Age Monuments of Eflatun Pınar and Fasıllar Near Beyşehir. Anatolian Studies. Mellink, M. J. 1976: Archaeology in Asia Minor. In: American Journal of Archaeology 80:3, Sevim, A. 1990: Ünlü Selçuklu Komutanları Afşin, Atsız, Artuk ve Aksungur. Ankara.. Umar, B. 1993: Türkiye deki Tarihsel Adlar. İstanbul.. APPENDIX: Collected place names from villages in the Beyşehir county 9

11 Milan Harvalík (Praha, Czech Republic) Lingual and extra-lingual aspects of development of street names in the Czech Republic Introduction Street nomenclature, also referred to as urbanonyms in Czech onomastic terminology, belongs to a group of proper names, which is particularly affected by changes during recent years and by extralingual influences (cf. Harvalík 2004, 29 34). This fact is particularly noticeable when we compare street names from the past to names that are chosen today. From the oldest times to the 19th century The oldest street names have been preserved from mediaeval times, when their origin was conditional to the basic function of the proper name i.e. naming the streets to differentiate and distinguish a specific identified object from a group of similar objects (i.e. differentiate one street or square from other streets and squares in the town). Each such name subsequently enabled clear identification of the named object and also proper orientation within the town. Spontaneous origin of the first street names, which was not officially regulated in any manner, variability and only gradual stabilisation of these names, was typical for the aforementioned period. The street name was usually inferred from the shape of the street (Krátká Short Street, Široká Wide Street, Lomená Crooked Street ) and their direction towards a specific town (Pražská Prague Street, Plzeňská Pilsen Street ), the presence of secular or church buildings near the street or on it (Klášterní Monastery Street, Františkánská Franciscan Street named for the Franciscan monastery), the profession of guild members whose workshops were located on the street (Řeznická Butcher s Street, Koželužská Tanner s Street ), the nationality of the inhabitants (Německá German Street ), in an infrequent number of cases a street could also be named after the owner of a house or land located there (for instance Kaprova ulice in Prague, which was named after a burgher from a patrician family and later on the Old Town Mayor and Reeve, Pavel Kapr of Kaprstein (died 1582), who purchased a house here). New street names new motivational aspects During the 19 th century other important sources of new names were added to this group of motivational aspects names selected for distinguished and famous people from political and social life and according to important events. Later on, chiefly during the 20 th century, names of various organisations, movements and important days were also used. The street name acquired a new function in addition to the purely expedient and pragmatic reasons for naming i.e. in honour or in dedication of a famous or distinguished individual. The aforementioned trends are not specific to 10

12 the Czech environment it can be said that they were also applied in other countries. Apart from the endeavour to honour the person for whom the street was named in this manner, new motives for naming were also required by the rapid growth of towns, whose area limited for centuries by the mediaeval town ramparts was no longer sufficient for the newly established quarters, streets and squares and other public areas. At the same time as industrial development towns extended far out beyond their former city limits and new names were needed for the newly established areas. However, on the contrary to previous periods, these names came from above and followed an official route. But names of distinguished and famous people were not usually reserved for the streets created in the suburbs. The importance and position of a person in society should also correspond to the location of the street, square or waterfront in the town named after him/her. Consequently a number of old authentic names slowly began to disappear from the centre of town. The accompanying phenomenon to this trend is also the fact that many street names in honour of a specific person tend to be subject to the momentary political and ideological orientation of the government. It is these names that begin to be perceived as inappropriate following social and political changes in the country, coming under heavy pressure from the public and consequently these types of names are rapidly replaced. The street nomenclature subsequently appears very unstable, which is in conflict with its primary function to provide clear orientation. Furthermore, as stated by I. Lutterer, Frequent changes to names result not only in noticeable national economic damages (forced replacement of street name signs, printing new town plans, manufacture of new stamps and signboards, transformation of masses of so-called headed paper into waste sheet), but chiefly in moral loss of faith in the reliability of existing address books and other aids to orientation, mistrust of the existing nomenclature as a whole and the resulting disrespect towards ideological principles, on which selection of the name is based (Lutterer 1988, 126). The changes of street names in the 20th century To illustrate, we can use street nomenclature material from several Czech towns to summarise the most important political changes and reversals during the 20 th century that took place in our lands, which were followed by streets being renamed to a lesser or greater extent; at the same time the general characteristics of the group of names that the renaming chiefly affects are given. We also give changes of a non-political aspect, which occurred after municipalities merged or joined city wholes, when, in the spirit of the principle that applied in the Czech Republic, two identical names could not appear within the cadastre of one town and duplicate names were replaced with new names. The first important turning point occurred in 1918, after the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and origin of the Czechoslovakia, accompanied by removal of names reflecting the imperial period (Ferdinandova třída 1 Ferdinand Street, náměstí Františka Josefa 2 Franz Joseph Square ). This was followed by loss of the border areas in 1938 and the German occupation in the following years, when all names evoking the traditions of the First Republic were removed (Masarykovo nábřeží 3 Masaryk s Waterfront, náměstí 28. října 4 28 th October Square, ulice Legionářů 5 Legionnaire s 1 Ferdinand V. The Kind ( ), Czech King and Austrian Emperor ( ). 2 Franz Joseph I. ( ), Austrian Emperor ( ). 3 Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk ( ), First Czechoslovak president ( ) Independence day in Czechoslovakia, state holiday. 5 Legionář (pl. legionáři) identification of members of Czechoslovak units fighting during the 1 st World War for the Allies (France, Great Britain, Russia). 11

13 Street ) and representatives of the third Reich were celebrated (Adolf Hitler Platz, Goebbelsstraße). But these names were spontaneously removed and replaced at the end of the war in Post-war development in East and Central Europe led to replacement of one non-democratic regime with another and so, after the communist party took over government of Czechoslovakia in 1948, names symbolising the traditions and values of pre-war Czechoslovakia disappeared en mass, similarly to events in New names honouring communist statesmen, politicians and ideologists such as Gottwaldovo náměstí 6 Gottwald s Square, Stalinova třída Stalin Street replaced the old names. The reality of the existence of society at that time was frequently reflected in the names (ulice Budovatelů 7 Maker/Builder Street, náměstí Pětiletky 8 Five Year Plan Square ). There was a slight deviation from this trend at the end of the nineteen fifties and the beginning of the sixties in connection to the discovery of the cult of personality, after which some names were replaced with socially more acceptable and ideologically less influenced names. This trend culminated during the so-called Prague Spring (a period of Czechoslovak development in 1968, which was suppressed by the invasion of the Warsaw Pact armies on 21/08/1968 and so-called normalisation). We can also find traces of these events in street nomenclature, even though they are not as noticeable as during previous events. The most recent changes to street names and names of public areas occurred at the turn of the nineteen eighties and nineties as a result of political changes that took place in Czechoslovakia in November Names linked to the communist regime disappeared and a return to the traditions of the so-called First Republic ( ) was characteristic during this period, whether the prewar name was renewed (First Republic Štefánikova 9, after the war Urxova 10, now Štefánikova again) or not. The reasons why a new name was chosen and the First Republic name was not renewed chiefly included the fact that the importance of the individual for whom the street was named before the war was not as great from today s viewpoint as it had been then. It is also for this reason that it is felt necessary to choose to name a street for an individual who truly is generally well known. Apart from this there were also cases when, due to interruption of the continuity of the street nomenclature, the name used during the First Republic was given to a different street in 1989 than the street that originally bore that name before the 2 nd World War. The summary given above infers at least one important circumstance worthy of consideration. The longest period of relative stability lasted for approximately twenty years. This means that the members of any generation experienced at least one, but more frequently three or even four periods, of extensive renaming during their lives. People oppose the complications in orientation caused by this, therefore the original name may survive in the local area, or the unofficial name is used (for instance in the town of Hořovice in Central Bohemia Pražská ulice Prague Street was renamed Tankistů Tanker s Street, however none of the local inhabitants used this name during ordinary unofficial contact and at the beginning of 1990 the street name was replaced with the original name of Pražská). The new name is sometimes unable to replace the old name in the subconscious. 6 Klement Gottwald ( ), the first Czechoslovak communist president ( ). 7 Under the communist regime in Czechoslovakia the term budovatel maker/builder was chiefly perceived ideologically as in maker/builder of communism, maker/builder of socialism, etc. 8 Pětiletka five year plan, an economic plan specified by law for a period of five years, initially in the USSR and later on in other countries with a centrally and directive managed economy on the basis of this example. 9 Milan Rastislav Štefánik ( ), a Slovak astronomer, politician and statesman, a colleague of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryke, and one of the most important figures in the Czechoslovak foreign resistance during the First World War. 10 Eduard Urx ( ), a Slovak and Czech newspaper reporter, literary critic and writer, a communist. 12

14 How to choose street names? Under the given circumstances there is no need to emphasise that every potential change in street names must be thoroughly and carefully considered and all advantages and disadvantages resulting from the new name must be fairly weighed. This also applies to selection of names for newly established streets, during which it is necessary to adhere to the relevant regulations. Czech legislation does not permit streets to be named for people who are still alive, because their contribution to the state and society has not yet been proven. An analysis of current Czech urbanonymy (David to appear) indicated that 44% of all street names in the Czech Republic are in honour of an individual. Comparison material pertaining to selected towns showed that, in most cases, these names make up more than 55%, in some localities even 70% and in specific cases up to 80% of street names. Names of distinguished and famous individuals (a total of 78% of all analysed urbanonyms) are used most frequently to honour these individuals. These names predominantly represent figures of Czech 19 th century cultural history (writers, composers, artists 53% of all urbanonyms used to honour an individual) and subsequently important figures of the Czech Reformation (17% of all urbanonyms used to honour an individual). Only after an extended period of time has elapsed will it be clear whether the importance of specific distinguished and famous individuals is ephemeral and whether their name truly deserves to be recorded for subsequent generations. Care is necessary particularly with respect to names of politicians and statesmen, while scientists, poets, writers, painters and other artists usually prove their contributions to the scientific and cultural world during their lives. The names of individuals must be acceptable to as much of the general public as possible, prejudice and decision making by a narrow group of people above us, which has become standard during recent years, has no place here. An important person may also be honoured with a memorial plaque and consequently there is no need to change the established name of a street for this purpose. Furthermore the celebrated individuals are not greatly honoured if the street named after them is dirty, neglected, with broken pavements and house facades in disrepair. A sensible solution was reached in Řevnice not far from Prague, when the town council proposed a street be named after the tennis player Martina Navrátilová, who started her sports career here, but with respect to the poor technical condition of the local streets, this plan was abandoned (Harvalík, , 215), not mentioning the fact that it would not be possible to name a street after M. Navrátilová at present because this would be in conflict with the principle of not naming a street or other public place for a living person. The issue of what principles to apply (or should be applied) when naming streets, squares and other public areas is as serious as the problem of renaming streets in Czech smaller and medium-sized towns. One of the key requirements when selecting a name seems to be the principle that the name should have some connection to the named object. This indicates that when naming a street for a distinguished and famous individual, it is appropriate to select names of local natives and people having a specific relationship to the given locality (for instance Slavíkova ulice in Hořovice is named after Josef Slavík / /, the violin player and composer, a native of nearby Jince). This prevents uniformity and stereotyping when selecting a name. A suitable source that should be utilised to the greatest degree possible is existing minor placenames (such as Na vršku Knoll, Pod vinicí Below the Vineyard, U potoka By the Stream, U koupaliště By the Swimming Pool, U pramene By the Spring, U katovny By the Hangman s House, Pod Dražovkou Below Dražovka i.e. below the Dražovka forest park). The advantages of this procedure are indisputable. A street name, which is based on the established local name, is 13

15 familiar to the inhabitants, and this also prevents situations when the official given name and the unofficial name co-exist. A specific option, limited in practice for understandable reasons, is direct transformation of the descriptive identification of the object into a noun the square in Žebrák in central Bohemia is called Náměstí Square. However, the aforementioned solution is only possible if the named object is the only one of its type in the town otherwise it could be confusing. Another characteristic property of smaller towns is the connection between a street name (motivated by the name of a distinguished or famous individual or otherwise) and an object located on it. In many Czech towns the name Komenského ulice 11 Komenský/Comenius Street is frequently given to a street on which a school is located, in the same manner the above-mentioned Slavíkova ulice in Hořovice was for many years the location of a primary art school where children learnt to play the violin, there really is a garden centre in Zahradní ulice Garden Street and a Sokol (a fitness training organisation in the Czech Republic) building in Tyršova 12 Tyrš Street. The language aspect is important for selection of urbanonyms, and should simplify their use in verbal and written communication as much as possible. For these reasons we cannot recommend names made up of multiple words, particularly including appositional adjuncts (of the type náměstí Primátora dr. Václava Vacka the Square of Mayor Dr. Václav Vacek, ulice Mezinárodního dne dětí International Children s Day Street cf. Lutterer 1988, 127); care should also be taken when selecting names containing prepositions. Conclusion The existing development of street nomenclature, both in the Czech Republic and in other countries, shows that it is necessary to approach the important and serious task of selection of names of streets, squares or other public spaces, with consideration and responsibility. If not, then past mistakes are repeated and the chosen names will have to be changed again in several years time. This undesirable procedure can only be prevented by using those principles that have proven they are correct and endeavours to make the individual names clear and apposite and the street nomenclature system for towns stable. The need for inclusion of the linguistic aspect during selection and standardisation of urbanonyms is clear (fortunately it is now standard that linguists are usually members of municipal committees for creation of street nomenclature) their generalpurpose language codification and the related requirement of application of language culture principles is an essential condition for problem free integration of urbanonyms into standard communication. References David, Jaroslav (to appear): Kapitoly z české oikonymie 20. století (místní jména honorifikace, ideologie, reklamnost) [Chapters from Czech Oikonymy of the 20 th Century (Place Names Honorification, Ideology, Advertising Potential)]. Praha: Academia. 11 Jan Amos Komenský (Comenius) ( ), a Czech religious thinker, founder of modern pedagogy, poet, linguist, cartographer and philosopher. 12 Miroslav Tyrš ( ), a Czech physical education worker, politician and art historian. 14

16 Harvalík, Milan : Ulice Martiny Navrátilové? [Martina Navrátilová Street?], Onomastický zpravodaj 34 35, 215. Harvalík, Milan 2004: Synchronní a diachronní aspekty české onymie (problémy a perspektivy české onomastiky) [Synchronic and Diachronic Aspects of Czech Onymy (Problems and Perspectives of Czech Onomastics)]. Praha: Academia. Lutterer, Ivan 1988: Názvy pražských ulic z hlediska praxe. [Prague Street Names in Practice]. In: Žigo, Pavol (ed.), Urbanonymia. Zborník prednášok z 2. celoštátneho onomastického seminára Modra Piesky októbra 1986, Bratislava: Univerzita Komenského. 15

17 Olga Mori (Germany, Münster) Street names and context Relation between street names and their contexts Street names, also known as odonyms, have already been studied from different points of view taking into account mainly the designation itself. However, these designations do not always exist quite isolated or free from context as Karl Bühler means (1982, 159). They function in contexts and it is necessary to analyse the relation between the odonyms and their context. Coseriu (1973, ; 1980, 68 93) distinguishes three types of speech contexts: the idiomatic, the verbal and the extra verbal context. The idiomatic context is the language itself. Each speech sign which is realized in discourse is related to the whole language, to the idiomatic knowledge of the speakers. The verbal context is that which is said before or after each sign or part of discourse. The words immediately preceding or following the speech sign constitute the immediate verbal context while the mediate context can even cover the whole discourse. All non-linguistic circumstances known to the speaker build up the extra verbal context, which has several subtypes: physical, empirical, natural, practical, historical and cultural. In this paper I present and exemplify only some aspects of this subject. The relation existing between the linguistic signs and the contexts is also valid for odonyms (Mori 2007). To start with, I deal with the relation between odonyms and their synphysical context according to K. Bühler (1982, 159) or physical context according to Coseriu (1973, 315), who thinks that this type of context comprehends everything that can be seen by the participants of the speech act, but if a sign has been written or printed, its physical context is that on which the linguistic sign is written or attached. From the practical point of view, to guarantee the identification of the streets, odonyms are written on signs which constitute their physical context. The street signs are not identical everywhere. They are made of different materials, mainly of enamelled metal in white, blue, grey or green, but old signs painted on the walls and others made of marble or of tiles can be seen as well. Besides, these street signs serve not only to localize urban toponyms but also have historical, political and aesthetic value. From the typographical aspect, different types of letters are used. It is also our purpose to observe and analyse the role of the immediate verbal context of the odonyms, that is to say, the texts which appear on the street signs usually below the odonyms. In most of the street signs, only the odonym can be seen. The norm is not the same everywhere; it varies in different countries and even among communities of the same country. For example, in the city of Münster, Germany, most of the street signs which identify a street only have the identifying odonym, but one street sign, at one or both ends of the street may have a context. 16

18 City of Münster, Germany Due to this fact, it is important to verify what is usually written on the signs and in which language. The immediate verbal context is related to the idiomatic context and to several subgroups of external contexts. Non linguistic signs on street signs It may happen that other non linguistic signs appear together with the odonym on the same street sign, for example, diacritic signs such as arrows pointing to the direction or the location of the street, the city or country flag or emblem, as well as Roman numbers indicating a former division in blocks and pictures. All of them are immediately related to the street name and complement it. They tell us in which direction the street runs or where it is, to which city, district, or country it belongs or the numbers of buildings which are in that part of the street. If pictures appear they hold a corresponding relation with the odonym. An unusual type of beautiful street signs is found in the historical centre of some Spanish cities. Above the odonym, there is a picture which evokes the name of the street by means of a visual image. Thus, both signs, the pictorial and the linguistic, appear on the same physical context. This complementary semantic information not only embellishes the street signs but helps to make clear the motivation of the odonym when it derives from words already out of use. Examples of different street signs By means of a selection of examples from several countries I will show some of the variants found to make the street signs. It is also relevant to observe of which material the street signs have been made, how they have been designed and where they are placed. First of all, I will show the simplest ones: those of La Plata, Argentina, where the referent has been identified not through a linguistic sign but through a numeral. 17

19 City of La Plata, Argentina However, when streets are identified by means of odonyms, several ways to make up the street signs call our attention. They show differences in countries with more than one historical language and among linguistic zones of the same historical language. Here we can only show a limited sample of examples. In Buenos Aires, Argentina, the simplest type of street signs with the name of the street without the generic term calle ( street ) can be found. Only other generic terms except calle appear on the street signs. City of Buenos Aires, Argentina All odonyms evoke an idiomatic context, in this example, the Spanish language, but they show special features according to the different linguistic zones of the same historical language. In this particular sign of the city of Buenos Aires, below the odonym, there are numbers indicating the numbers of the buildings which are in that part of the street. In Argentina, if the plan of the city is geometric, each block has 100 meters. This plain street sign in blue is framed by a white line. Besides, there is a small square shield with one arrow indicating the direction. If the structure of an odonym has several words, these are distributed in two or more lines. 18

20 In Spain the norm is not identical to the Argentine even if the same historical language is used. The generic terms are also written on the street signs but due to the fact that not all generic terms coincide in different linguistic zones, it may happen that speakers of other regions do not understand some of them. In Argentina, usually no biographical information about the person whose name has been given to a street appears on the street signs. In Práctico Poliza nothing has been added to the odonym either on the new or on the old street sign. A third tablet of bronze tells us that Poliza was a civil hero. City of Buenos Aires, Argentina Other sign posts are used to indicate the direction of the traffic. The following example has the trade names of those firms which have probably contributed towards the expenses, plus both names of this well-known central street of Buenos Aires Diagonal Sur and Pte. Julio A. Roca and the numbers. City of Buenos Aires, Argentina 19

21 Sometimes, in Argentina, the odonyms can also be seen together with the number of the houses on small signs attached to the wall, that is to say, on a new physical context. Due to this repetition, it is easier to locate the buildings as well as to remember the name of a street. City of Baradero, Argentina It also happens that some shops in a certain street are named with a homophone of the odonym. In this way, this name appears on a new physical context with another function. In bilingual regions, passers-by are faced by two different street signs, each one in one of the official languages. For this reason, each one will evoke its idiomatic context, for example, in Strasbourg, French or the dialect of Alsace. City of Strasbourg, France 20

22 Sometimes, in bilingual cities, for example in Valencia, Spain, four or five street signs and sign posts have been placed near to each other, some of them in Catalan, some others in Spanish. While the modern ones in blue identify the streets, some old ones still remain, and, finally, other sign posts in green point out the direction of the traffic. Verbal contexts of odonyms The immediate verbal context of an odonym consists of all linguistic signs which give some information about the odonym and, usually, follows it. This context may appear on the same street sign together with the odonym as in the following example of Strasbourg. City of Strasbourg, France The odonym, Passage Hans Haug written in capital letters calls our attention. Immediately below it is the verbal context in small letters except the first one. The text Conservateur des musées de Strasbourg de 1920 à Créateur du musée de l Ouvre Notre-Dame explains that Hans Haug was director of the museums of Strasbourg from 1920 until 1963 and the founder of the museum l Oeuvre Notre-Dame. Besides, an arrow points out the way to the passage. The street sign is blue with white letters and frame. Some other times, the immediate verbal context is found on a second sign placed below the one with the odonym as in the city of Weimar, Germany. 21

23 City of Weimar, Germany Occasionally, the verbal context is placed on another sign which is not attached to the first one. In the city of Alicante, Spain, there is a plain street sign with the name Calle San Fernando in Spanish. In front of it, there are two signs: on one of them is the odonym in Catalan Carrer San Fernando, and on the other one appears the immediate verbal context giving the motivation of the odonym: Fernando III El Santo, Valparaíso 1201 Sevilla, 1252, Rey De Castilla y León Fundó La Universidad De Salamanca y Las Catedrales de Burgos y Toledo (Ferdinand III, the Saint. Valparaiso 1201-Sevilla King of Castile and Leon. He founded the University of Salamanca and the cathedrals of Burgos and Toledo). Both of them are decorated with a geometric edge. City of Alicante, Spain The norm of each country about the use of an immediate verbal context varies. In Argentina, for example, it is not so frequent. However, in Europe, as some of the designations of the streets are very old, the immediate verbal context is sometimes indispensable in order to know the motivation of the odonym. For example, in the city of Münster, Germany, there are different types of immediate context. Besides the usual ones which provide biographical information about the person who has been commemorated with an odonym, other contexts explain the etymology of the name or mention the names that a street has received in the course of time, as in: 22

24 City of Münster, Germany In Wevelinghofergasse the context 1820 Wevelingsche Gasse. Später Verknüpfung dieses Anliegernamens mit der von 1369 bis 1773 belegten Bezeichnung Witthoverstegge explains that in 1820 the name was Wevelingsche Gasse after a family living there. Later, it was combined with Witthoverstegge documented from 1369 to City of Münster, Germany Below the odonym Spiegelturm, the immediate verbal context turris speculatoris Vermutlich im 11 Jahrhundert errichteter Zugang zum Domburg mit vorgelagertem schmallen Steg über die Aa. Die Wacht-und Toranlage wurde 1880 abgebrochen tells us that the name derives from the Latin turris speculatoris, which means watchtower. It was probably built in the 11th century and it offered access to the cathedral with a small bridge over the Aa. Watchtower and city gate were taken down in

25 Odonyms and extra verbal context Furthermore, the extra verbal context, the empirical context, contributes to make evident the motivation of an odonym, above all when it evokes buildings which are in a certain street: e.g. railway stations, churches, convents and others, e.g. Domplatz. City of Münster, Germany In the same way, all sorts of unusual or relevant architectural landmarks, e.g. bridges, towers, columns, entrance gates to the city and others can account for the origin of an odonym. In the following example, the columns which surround San Pedro square in Rome are obviously the motivation of Largo Del Colonnato. 24

26 City of Rome, Italy Odonyms and their physical context The physical context of the street names does not look alike in different countries. While some of the street signs are very plain, others are quite elaborate. Often modern street signs are found near old ones. In this way, it is possible to compare their development in the course of time. This occurs mainly in some European countries where the street signs themselves have historical value. In Valencia, the Spanish street name Calle del Peso de la Harina, written in black on a white background, is built into the wall itself. In front of it the modern street sign with the city emblem and the name in Catalan Carrer del Pes de la Farina been placed. They tell us that, in former times, flour was weighed at this place. City of Valencia, Spain In Strasbourg, two modern street signs, one in French and the other one in the dialect of Alsace, are placed together, but it is interesting to note that they are distinguished by the type of letters as in Rue du Dome and Müenstergass. 25

27 City of Strasbourg, France While in some Spanish cities, the nomenclature is bilingual, in others Catalan has replaced the Spanish names. When this happened in Tarragona, the material and shape of the street signs changed as well, except for some with historical value. The odonyms have been written on plain street signs made of marble. Street signs, besides fulfilling their identifying function to localize a street, may also contribute to embellish the city because of their aesthetic value, as in the beautiful example of the city of Valencia: Placa de la Mare de Deu. 26

28 City of Valencia, Spain This street sign has been made of tiles in a rectangular shape and shows the image of the Virgin surrounded by pictures of objects which evoke her gifts and of two children kneeling at her feet. The elaborate letters contrast in dark and light tones. The street sign in Spanish, Plaza de la Virgen, has the same style and type of letters, but has no image only an emblem. 27

29 In the city of Madrid, the usual blue street signs with white letters also have the coat of arms of the city in which a bear tastes the fruit of an arbutus. City of Madrid, Spain An unusual example is that of the street sign which bears the name of the famous Argentine tango composer and singer Carlos Gardel. As background for the odonym we see the overdone decoration of the wall and the picture of Gardel. City of Buenos Aires, Argentina 28

30 Nevertheless, besides the already mentioned street signs of Valencia, from the semantic and aesthetic point of view, the most interesting and beautiful street signs in our corpus are those of the old centre of the city of Madrid, made of glazed tiles. A special characteristic of these street signs lies in the fact that besides the odonym written in black on a white background, there is a picture which represents the referent of the designation from which the odonym derives. Thus, they have a double representation: linguistic and pictorial. Although the double representation helps to identify the referent, some names call our attention because they seem to be strange and quite out of place. They are old designations whose origin has not been well documented (Gea Ortigas 2006). Not even the use of two signs reveals the motivation clearly, for example, the street sign of the Calle de la Abada with the picture of a she rhinoceros is far from allowing us to imagine why this name has been given to a street. Besides the term abada is seldom used. Gea Ortigas (2006, 11 12) gives two possible origins for it. City of Madrid, Spain If the odonyms derive from anthroponyms, a portrait of the person honoured plus the dates of birth and death are given. 29

(1971-1985) ARASI KONUSUNU TÜRK TARİHİNDEN ALAN TİYATROLAR

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