ANOTHER KIND OF HELLENISM?

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1 ANOTHER KIND OF HELLENISM? APPROPRIATION OF ANCIENT ATHENS via GREEK CHANNELS FOR THE SAKE OF GOOD ADVICE AS REFLECTED IN TARİH-İ MEDİNETÜ L-HUKEMA I N A U G U R A L D I S S E R T A T I O N zur Erlangung des Grades einer Doktorin der Philosophie in der FAKULTÄT FÜR GESCHICHTSWISSENSCHAFT der RUHR UNIVERSITÄT BOCHUM vorgelegt von Gülçin TUNALI

2 Referent: Prof. Dr. Markus Koller Korreferent: Prof. Dr. Fikret Adanır Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: Veröffentlicht mit Genehmigung der Fakultät für Geschichtswissenschaft der Ruhr Universität Bochum

3 by Gülçin Tunalı, All rights reserved.

4

5 ABSTRACT My dissertation focuses on the perception and representation of Athens in the eighteenth century Ottoman history text, Tarih-i Medinetü l-hukema (History of the City of the Philosophers), which was compiled by Mahmud Efendi who lived in Athens for several years as a religious authority. To understand the text, first, I try to shed light on the mentality of an Ottoman scholar in the context of eighteenth century Ottoman atmosphere and Athens under Ottoman Empire. Before giving the transcript of the manuscript (folios 1b-241a), I aim to look into the narration of Mahmud Efendi deeper. Its sources, especially Istoria of Gregory Kontares with the medium of Greek monks from Athens and the way he receives them is analyzed in terms of concept of appropriation. As mufti of Athens had a purpose for attempting such a difficult task, at the end of the dissertation, I focus on the Mirrors for Princes aspect of his narration. I claim that while giving examples from a distant time, he gives lessons to his listeners, between the lines. Another argumentation of the thesis is to show the differences between the Hellenism of Tanzimat era and the text of Mahmud Efendi. Within the broader context, however, this study contributes to the literature of cultural encounters considering the unpredictable value of Mahmud Efendi s History. i

6 List of Abbreviations: TMH EI 2 TDVIA TALID Tarih-i Medinetü l-hukema Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd Edition. Leiden: Brill Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi M. A. Mora Ahkâm Defterleri TTK Türk Tarih Kurum ii

7 NOTES ON TRANSLITERATION Arabic words have been transliterated according to Encyclopedia of Islam, second edition. For the Ottoman and Turkish words, the modern Turkish orthography was used. Arabic words that appeared in the Ottoman context have been also transliterated according to the modern Turkish orthography such as Keşfüz-zünun. As to the transcription of the Tarih-i Medinet ül- Hukema, Ferit Devellioğlu s transcription system in his Osmanlıca-Türkçe Ansiklopedik Lügat. OKTAY transcription font program was used to as displayed below. For the quotations of Ottoman texts through the dissertation, transcription was not used, instead quoted parts were transliterated according to modern Turkish orthography. iii

8 TABLE OF CONTENT ABSTRACT...i List of Abbreviation... ii Note on Transliteraiton... iii INTRODUCTION...1 Travelers and the Emergence of Greek Space...4 Philhellenism...10 CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING MAHMUD EFENDI A Panoramic view of the 18th century Phanaroits Mahmud Efendi s intellectual horizons Primary education His Transfer to Istanbul for madrasa education Madrasa years and books What is mulazemet? His appointment to Athens as a mufti Athens under the Ottoman domination Venetian Interlude Mahmud Efendi s Athens Ottoman sources about Athens Mahmud Efendi s Neo-Hellenic Networks G. Sotiris and T. Kavallaris G. Kontares...78 CHAPTER 2: READING THE HISTORY OF MAHMUD EFENDI Content of Tarih-i Medinet ül- Hukema Sources Detailed table of Kontares Ίστορίαι Historiography of the history of Ancient Athens Greek Histories and selected works regarding the Greek world Analysing the Text Translation Turn Theseus The Story of Theseus Theseus in the narration of Mahmud Efendi Images of Theseus Alexander the Great Islamic heritage What is Persian Influence? Alexander the Great in the Ottoman context Mahmud Efendi s Alexander the Great Constantine the Great Constantine in the Ottoman context The construction of Hagia Sophia Talismans of Istanbul History as Mirrors for Princes CONCLUSION Philhellenism among Tanzimat Intellectuals Translations from Greek world Translations on Greek history Establishment of the museums Appendix 1: Introduction of Mehmed Tevfik Paşa s Esatir-i Yunaniyan Appendix 2: Transcript of the Tarih-i Medinet ü-l Hukema BIBLIOGRAPHY...359

9 INTRODUCTION In 1974, Cengiz Orhonlu published an article entitled Bir Türk Kadısının Yazdığı Atina Tarihi (Tarih-i Medinetü l-hukema) (The History of Athens by a Turkish Judge) and introduced a unique manuscript that had been preserved in Topkapı Palace. 1 This text, which was composed by a mufti (juristconsult) of Athens beginning in 1715, 2 was based on the counseling stories told during friendly gatherings (meclis) of the guardian of Nauplion Muhsinzade Mehmed Paşa in the year Mahmud Efendi was originally from Southern Greece where his relatives lived in Thebes, Euboea and Athens. 4 He asserts that he left his homeland in the year 1094 (1682/83) for the sake of education. After staying sixteen years in the capital of the Empire and marrying there, he was appointed as a mufti of Athens in 1110 (1698/99). In 1122 (1710/11), he translated from Arabic to Turkish a book on jurisprudence, Tuhfetü t-tüccar and one on the value of holy war, Tuhfetü l- Guzat. He notes that he began to compile the History, in 1127 (1715) with the help of two very profound Greek abbots, Kavallaris and Sotiris, actually Theophanis Kavallaris and Grigoris Sotiris. Their main source was probably Ίστορίαι παλαιού και πάνυ ωφέλιμοι της περίφημου πόλεως Άθήνης (Ancient and Useful Stories of the Famous City of Athens) of Gregory Kontares, which was published in 1676 in Venice. 5 Mahmud Efendi mentions that they translated the sources from the unused/dead languages (ancient Greek and Latin) and French for him, he took notes and Cengiz Orhonlu, Bir Türk Kadısının Yazdığı Atina Tarihi (Tarih-i Medinetü l-hukema), İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi 2-3 (1973-4), pp Throughout the manuscript, the author does not mention his name. Cengiz Orhonlu finds his name in a document in the Prime Ministery Archive İbnülemin Evkaf No However, Nejat Göyünç refuses this claim, and argues that the name of the author must be Hüseyin, on the basis of the document registered in Prime Ministery Archive, Maliye Defterleri No: 1360, p. 18: XVIII. Yüzyılda Türk İdaresinde Nauplia (Anabolu) ve Yapıları, in İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı ya Armağan (Ankara: TTK, 1975), pp , p Nevertheless, after research in the Prime Ministery Archive, I have found that the date of the document is for 50 years later and actually registered in Cevdet Maarif, No. 171/8537. Hence, I share the same thought on the name of the author as Orhonlu since I have also found a small risale from late seventeenth century in the Süleymaniye Library Ali Nihat Tarlan Collection, number 144 between 57b-60a folios. This pamphlet was translated by Atinalı Mahmud b. Hasan and it is about prophet Muhammad mentioned in the Bible, the Torah and the Psalter by a former monk, converted to Islam. However, Orhonlu wrongly defines Mahmud Efendi as kadi. Mahmud Efendi himself asserts that he was appointed as a mufti to Athens. Orhonlu gives the term ifta the meaning of being kadi, but it normally refers to the position of mufti. Tarih-i Medinetü l Hukema, Topkapı Sarayı Emanet Hazinesi no: 1411, 2b. (hereafter referred as TMH) For detailed information on Muhsinzade Mehmed Paşa, see: Yuzo Nagata, Muhsinzade Mehmed Paşa ve Ayanlık Müessesesi (Tokyo: Institute for the Study for of Languages and Culture of Asia and Africa, 1976). TMH: 267a: gerçi vatan-ı asıllarımız olan İstefe ve Ağriboz ve Atina da vaki akraba ve ta allukat Ίστορίαι παλαιού και πάνυ ωφέλιμοι της περίφημου πόλεως Άθήνης was not republished and remains as an unedited copy in the libraries which will be mentioned below. Dr. Dimitri P. Drakoulis from Aristotle University of Thessaloniki has kindly send the photos of the beginning pages of Kontares book to me. 1

10 translated these notes into Turkish, sometimes with the intermediary help of another translator. In the beginning of the book, interestingly Kontares also talks about the same issue: Therefore we will narrate the facts simply, without exaggerations, how I found them in old Greek and Italian books, which I translated into the common language. On 14 th of July , he also met with Damad Ali Paşa, supporter of the scholars and collector of the books, 7 while he was preaching a Friday sermon to the soldiers in Thebes where the Ottoman army set down a military camp at the beginning of the month. Simultaneously the news of the conquest of the island of Tinos (İstendil) reached them while they were listening to his prayers in the mosque. Good news brought Mahmud Efendi many golden coins. And the secretary of the Paşa, Habeşizade, informed him, that the Sultan had ordered this humble person (Mahmud Efendi) to follow him to the Peloponnese. 8 After reconquering Corinth (Gördes), the army arrived in Nauplion (Anabolu), where he was appointed by Damad Ali Paşa as a preacher to his endowed mosque, as a professor to the Dar-ül Kurra (Quran school of madrasa) of his kethüda (chamberlain) İbrahim Ağa and as a supervisor of these two endowments with a daily wage of 120 akçe. Mahmud Efendi mentions that parallel to these, Damad Ali Paşa did not abolish his duties in Athens, as a mufti and müderris. 9 This means that he held several positions at the same time. Since Cengiz Orhonlu, as far as is known, no historian has focused on the Tarih although it is known among academic circles. 10 This fact might be attributed first, to the text s difficulty; because it contains the ancient history of Athens in an Ottoman context, it is very hard to comprehend what the manuscript narrates. Second, as intellectual history is the weakest branch in Ottoman historiography, the manuscript itself has not aroused enough interest. Third, as the history written between Greece and Turkey has been based on Mehmet Yaşar Ertaş, Sultanın Ordusu: (Mora fethi örneği ) (İstanbul: Yeditepe Yayınları, 2007), p. 26. On the life and deeds of Damad Ali Paşa, see: Abdülkadir Özcan, Şehid Ali Paşa, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi (TDVİA), vol. 38, pp Besides his reconquest of Morea, Şehid Ali Paşa was widely known as a bibliophil. Even he prohibited exportation of the books from Istanbul. He also founded a library which bears his name. His books were confiscated after his death. See: İsmail Erünsal, Şehid Ali Paşa nın İstanbul da Kurduğu Kütüphane ve Şehid Ali Paşa nın Müsadere Edilen Kitapları in İstanbul Univ. Edebiyat Fakültesi Kütüphanecilik Dergisi 1 (1987), pp TMH: 273b. TMH: 285b. Johann Strauss, Ottoman Rule Experienced and Remembered: Remarks on Some Local Greek Chronicles of the Tourkokratia, in The Ottomans and the Balkans: A Discussion of Historiography, (ed.) by Fikret Adanır. (Leiden: Brill, 2002), pp ; Machiel Kiel, Atina, (TDVİA), vol. 4, pp ; Speros Vryonis, The Ghost of Athens in Byzantine and Ottoman Times, Balkan Studies 43 (2002/1-2), pp , p. 54 and Nejat Göyünç, XVIII. Yüzyılda Türk İdaresinde. 2

11 nationalist paradigms with conflicts and wars, the History of Athens written by an Ottoman mufti might be considered exceptional. On the other hand, the Ottoman historians in Turkey consider the Greek lands as peripheral to that of the huge Ottoman Empire as a whole. 11 Hence, they do not consider this region worth studying thoroughly. This fact raises psychological barriers between Greek and Turkish historians. Apart from these, more specific problems that I confronted were: First, I experienced a kind of cultural literacy problem similar to that described by Suraiya Faroqhi, in her Approaching Ottoman History. She writes that as Ottoman civilization is no longer with us, even though its impact is. Given these circumstances, appreciating a piece from an eigteenth century collection of poetry (divan) is an arduous skill to learn. This applies even to a Turkish student knowing Ottoman, to say nothing of anyone else. 12 My problem was doubled for even though I was not dealing with poetry, what I had to solve belonged not just to the Ottoman world. At the same time cultural literacy doubled because I was looking at the Ancient world as described by an Ottoman. The fundamental problem I had to face was that as a student of Ottoman history I do not know ancient history. And as far as I know, classicists do not know Ottoman history. There exists a huge wall between the two disciplines and in this case, Oh, East is East, and West is West, and never the twain shall meet, Kipling s ( ) famous verse from his Ballad of East and West, is true. As a result, at first I could not even grasp the content deeply. It is about ancient times, I understood that much, but what about the details? Parallel to this, on the issue of first-hand narratives, Cemal Kafadar claims that many manuscripts have been ignored and not taken as first-hand personal narratives through which the life of the individual can be uncovered. 13 This fits the Tarih, too. The Turks have always been seen and accused of burning and destroying antiquities, treating ancient information badly and of not protecting this for hundreds of years. As Wunder says, and to the Renaissance European, a love of antiquity was a fundamental marker of civility, and it John Bennet and Jack L. Davis, A Reconstruction of the Human Landscape of the Kaza of Anavarin in A Historical and Economic Geography of Ottoman Greece: the Southwestern Morea in the 18th century (Hesperia Supplement 34), (eds.) Fariba Zarinebaf, John Bennet and Jack L. Davis (Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 2005), pp , p Suraiya Faroqhi, Approaching Ottoman History: an Introduction to the Sources (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1999), p. 28. Cemal Kafadar, Self and Others: the Diary of a Dervish in 17 th c. Istanbul and First-person Narratives in Ottoman Literature, Studia Islamica 69 (1989), pp , p

12 became one of the most important criteria by which Western Europeans judged the Turks. 14 For this reason, written works in the manuscript libraries concerning ancient wisdom may have been overlooked. Another difficulty is to find a meaningful place for Tarih-i Medinet ül Hukema as part of Western intellectual tradition. As it was written just before philhellenism, an important question for me is whether the traces of a pioneering attitude towards the Antique lands can be detected or not. For example such a long narration on Theseus reminds me the of the rediscovery of Athens because Theseus is accepted as the founder-hero for Athens. During Mahmud Efendi s judiciary service travelers did not frequent Athens as much as they did when philhellenism was at its peak. The burgeoning philhellenism, Augostinos tells us, which is the vision of a re-born and liberated Greece coming closer to the West by virtue of its Hellenic lineage, 15 emerged with the help of travelers and the Romantic Movement. The literature of the Western travellers mainly was constructed as a basis for the Rediscovery of Greece. 16 Travelers and the Emergence of Greek Space It is generally accepted that the roots of the Hellenic revival date back to the seventeenth century. The revival started in 1610, but bigger steps were taken later, in It was around that time when Jacop Spon and George Wheler travelled to Greece. Then the journey of the architect James Stuart and the painter Nicholas Revett 17, who were members of the Society of the Dilettanti, to Greece in played an important role in this revival. They made measured drawings of the ancient monuments of Athens, offering to the British public their four-volume work Antiquities of Athens, contributing substantially to the revival of the Greek ideal. 18 The most widely known trip made to Greece is the one by Amanda Wunder, Western Travelers, Eastern Antiquities, and the Image of the Turk in Early Modern Europe, The Journal of Early Modern History 7 (2003), pp , p. 91. Olga Augustinos, French Odysseys: Greece in French Travel Literature from the Renaissance to the Romantic Era (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1994), p. xii. Fani-Maria Tsigakou, The Rediscovery Of Greece: Travellers and Painters of the Romantic Era (London: Caratsaz Bros., 1981) Molly Mackenzie, Türk Atinası: Unutulan Yüzyıllar( ), (çev.) Mehmet Harmancı, (İstanbul: Aksoy yay., 1999), pp The Dilettanti Committee was established in The presentation of historical works and detailed drawings of works appeared in the For detailed information on them, see David Watkin, The Impact of Stuart over two Centuries, in James Athenian Stuart : The Rediscovery of Antiquity, (ed.) 4

13 Richard Chandler between 1764 and There was a number of British and French (no German) who travelled there, but the journey was dangerous, poorly organized, wildly exotic and the place was regarded as an Eastern province of Ottoman Empire, in addition, the number of travelers were surprising. Many of the travelers wrote countless books about Greece, the demand for Greek travel books were innumerable. 19 With respect to Greece and the Levant, there were fifty-three French and forty-four English publications. German travelers were conspicuous by their absence, with only nineteen works published between 1700 and These were particularly on the lands of the Ottoman Empire, or on Greece. Twelve of these were the products of autopsy or of the writer s own travels and his own observations. 20 A doctor from Lyon and epigraphist as a hobby, Jacob Spon, being the first traveler to take on this task is based on a nice coincidence. Spon had got the notes of a Jesuit father, Jacques Paul Babin who had visited Athens in the autumm of 1672 from Smyrna. Spon edited and published these notes in 1674 in Lyon under the title of Relations de l état present de la ville d Athénes, ancien capital de la Grecé. Impassioned by Babin s writings, he decided to travel to Greece. In Rome he encountered a botanist George Wheler from Oxfrod and they decided to travel together. They came to Constantinople on 20 June 1675 from Venice. They met the French ambassador Macquis de Nointel. He welcomed them warmly, showed them antiquities and the sketches of the Parthenon that he ordered when he visited Athens on his way back from Jerusalem to Constantinople to prolong France s trade contracts with the Sublime Porte. 21 Spon s voyage was not only the most important one of the seventeenth century, but it represented the first classically-oriented voyage, distinguishing it from the explorations during the Renaissance. Within this framework, the traveler tried to reconnect past events with their spatial origin and emphasized the physical markers surviving them. Through this process Hellenism transformed Athens textually and geographically into an emblem and a microcosm of ancient Greece. So, classical antiquity was turned into an immobile and Susan Weber Soros (London and New Haven: Yale University Press for the Bard Graduate Center for Studies in the Decorative Arts, Design and Culture, 2006), pp Louis A. Ruprecht, Why the Greeks?, Agon, Logos, Polis: the Greek Achievement and Its Aftermath, eds. Jóhann Páll Árnason, Peter Murphy (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2001), pp , p. 44. Constanze Güthenke, Placing Modern Greece The Dynamics of Romantic Hellenism, (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press 2008), p. 51. Robin Middleton, Introduction, in David Le Roy, The Ruins of the Most Beautiful Monuments of Greece, (trans.) David Britt (Los Angeles: Getty Publications, 2004), pp

14 changeless model for a dynamic world. Interestingly, Spon ignited the flame of the great leap of the imagination for the transformation of the ancient monuments of Acropolis, and through these classical Greece, into the prefiguration of modern Europe. 22 According to Augustinos, Spon s study of antique objects identified and described the ruin s present condition rather than its evocation of the distant past. He brought up new methods of historiography for the reconstruction and understanding of the past that emphasized observation, analysis of evidence from various sources, and their critical evaluation before reaching any conclusions. He was the first traveler to rigorously examine the antiquities of Athens using physical and textual evidence. 23 Spon s methodology gave more space to objective observation than to rapturous admiration. He started to integrate the past s material remains with Hellenism s textual construction. For Leal it is revealing that Spon seeks connections to the classical past even in the clothing of the current Greek inhabitants of the city once known for its Philosophers. 24 Another interesting distinction between the depictions of modern and ancient Greeks is visible in the travel book of botanist Tournefort in the early eighteenth century. He referred to the Greeks as the present day Greeks and the great Greeks, which clarified the new attitude towards them. However, the vocabulary remained uncertain. 25 According to him, the Greeks that he knew were like living texts, recreating the ideas and approaches of their ancestors. He describes it, by quote: I regarded the Brain of these poor Greeks, as so many living Inscriptions, serving to retain the Names quoted by Theophrastus and Dioscorides; these, though subject to diverse Alterations, will doubtless last much longer than most solid Marble, because they are every day renew d, whereas Marble wears off, or is destroy d. 26 According what to the merchant and antiquarian Pierre Augustin Guys read, the eigtheenth century modern Greeks as well were the living commentaries on the ancient texts. Just like Tournefort, Guys also underlines the continuations of the early past, both in terms of knowledge and manner and character. He also analyzed the works of the past in details, he Augustinos, French Odysseys, p 16. Ibid., p. 17. Karen Alexandra Leal, The Ottoman state and the Greek Orthodox of Istanbul: Sovereignty and Identity at the Turn of the Eighteenth Century, (Unpublished PhD Thesis: Harvard University, 2003), p Yokavaki, Ancient and Modern Greeks in the late 18th century, p Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, A Voyage into the Levant: Perform d by the Command of the Late French King, trans. John Ozell (London, 1718), vol. 2, p. 68 cited from Karen Hartnup, On the Beliefs of the Greeks : Leo Allatios and Popular Orthodoxy (Leiden: Brill, 2004), p

15 both interpreted the classical and early church writers and described his experience through their words: It is among the common people I always look for ancient manners. Those refine but little, and a re ever tenacious of the traditions handed down to them by their forefathers, and are so much attached to their customs that they bear with them the force of so many ancient laws. 27 Yakovaki claims that this book is an epistolary essay rather than a travel account due to its title and organization in thematic chapters, or letters. The subject of this two-volume essay is declared in the second part of the French title: Letters sur les Grecs anciens et modernes, Avec un parallèle de leurs Moeurs. Specifically, the author aimed to depict a panorama of modern Greek everyday life, which was structured upon manners. Systematically, he presented a variety of modern Greek manners: either he drew directly from Ancient Greek (and Latin) texts or he offered observations from everyday contemporary Greek life. The innovation of this book is that it was the first book ever written about modern Greeks. For the first time, modern Greeks were considered to be worthy of study and raised to a level to rival the lure of the ruins and thus brought to the attention of European observers. This new placement coincides with the emergence of the contemporary gaze. 28 Before this new placement they had been seen in religious terms. The church and the rites had been the most visible aspects of their existence, rendering them disposable; in other words, this made them different from the Christians of the West, i.e., from the Latins. The meaning of the term Greeks in the early modern context contradicted that of the term Latins. At that time, it is possible to observe a shift from religion to culture that ushered in a new acknowledgement of kinship, through origin. Here lies the significance of Guys book. 29 So for the Greek space, historical prescription shaped geographical description. Because the first Western travelers based their ideas, as Augustinos says, more on the ancient geographers Pausanias, Pliny, and Ptolemy and less on present political realities, when they entered Greek lands, they did not feel that they were walking in the Ottoman domain. 30 Greek space was constructed around two perspectives: the imagined one and the one that held the supposed Ottoman tyranny. This context provides the first appearances of the Greek landscapes in the voyages pittoresques and then in Romantic prose and poetry Pierre Augustin Guys, Sentimental Journey, vol. 1, p. 146, cited from Hartnup, On the Beliefs of the Greeks, op.cit. Yokavaki, Ancient and Modern Greeks in the late 18th century, p Ibid., p Augustinos, French Odysseys, p

16 The process of Greek Hellenization was further deepened and enriched by the depiction of the landscape with ruins. Thus, history entered the place of aesthetic contemplation. At the end of the eighteenth century the ruin was seen as an object of analysis and as a unit of analysis for moral-aesthetic evaluation. Its space of origin became ambiguous as though it hung between art and nature, existence and non-existence. The ruins turned into a metaphor for human life with its fragility and resilience, remembrance and oblivion. 31 Athens looked very much like a provincial Eastern town featuring mosques, Turkish baths, bazaars and coffee shops as well as historical ruins where Turks and Greeks lived along with small Albanian and Catholic communities at that time. This was a very disappointing experience because, as Leontis tells us, the topos of Hellas is the site of myth: a place... to which they may return to reflect on their own [cultural] origins. 32 And ultimately, the ruin became the emblem of the Romantic imagination. 33 The Romantics imagined Greece as a world representing an important alternative to the degenerate modern times. Ruprecht thinks that the Greece of the Romantics was, in many important ways, a fantasy-world that had never really existed. 34 Their gratitude for the above-mentioned travelers accounts can be best expressed by these words: Often, when I had wandered long among the ruins of ancient Greek architecture and among the sheer number of broken marble architraves, cornices, and column drums, under the guidance of Tournefort, le Roy, Choiseul-Gouffer, and Stuart, often I then rejoiced to see some people between the ruins. And how grateful was I to the travellers, Spon, Wheler, Guys, Chandler, Savary, and the others, that they had made those people still more familiar to me! With delight I recognized the features of the ancient Greek spirit in them, which had persevered, despite millenia of barbarity. 35 In the 1770s, Greece appeared in the West as a familiar and recognizable country, with its centre, Athens, and an identity regardless of the Ottoman domination. This is the crucially significant context within which Guys publication functions: presenting his work as a travel account, it refers to the tradition of travel to Greece that flourished from the 1670s to 1770s, Güthenke, Placing Modern Greece, p. 61. Artemis Leontis, Topographies of Hellenism: Mapping the Homeland (Ithaca and London: Cornell Univ. Press, 1995), p Agustinos, op. cit. Louis A. Ruprecht, Was Greek thought religious?: On the Use and Abuse of Hellenism, from Rome to Romantics (New York: Palgrave, 2002), p Cited and translated from Gerhard von Halem, Blüthen aus Trümmern (Bremen, 1798), p.7, Güthenke, Placing Modern Greece, p.61. 8

17 from Spon to Chandler. 36 From then on, Greece became an attraction for European diplomats, intellectuals, and gentlemen for, as Leontis notes, their desire to amuse themselves, and, more than occasionally some spiritual drive: All of us on this strange boat haunted by a dream, a yearning, a madness. 37 Apart from the travelers texts, there are numerous literary texts depicting this turn of interest towards Greece. Thus, J. J. Heinse wrote his epistolary novel Ardinghello und die glüchseligen Inseln (1787) in contemporary Greece. He negotiated in this work poetically the issue of dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire, i.e., the expulsion of the Turks from that land with the happy climate. 38 In the lyrical, similarly epistolary, novel Hyperion: oder Der Eremit in Griechenland (1797) by Fr. Hölderlin, many hopes for the Greek political renaissance were expressed. 39 For Draulia, the author found all of the answers he sought in Classical Hellas and also the way to illuminate the darkness of the modern world. Voyage du jeune Anarcharsis en Grèce (4 vols., 1787) by Jean Jacques Barthlemy ( ) had a deep impact on the European public audience. 40 In the book, although Barthlemy had never visited Greece, the book s hero, who was a young Scythian and the descendant of the famous philosopher Anacharsis, played a role in the restoration of Greece as his instruction in early youth. After a tour of the republics, colonies and islands of Greece, he returned to his country and there wrote his book in his old age. This took place after the Macedonian hero overturned the Persian Empire. In the manner of modern travelers, he listed the customs, governments and antiquities of the country he supposedly had visited. In his introduction, he presented the historical details. And in different places he wrote about the music of the Greeks, the literature of the Athenians, and on the economy of the places he had visited in detail. 41 Thomas Hope followed the fashion of his time and made a tour of the Mediterranean countries together with Greece. He published, anonymously at first, then a three-volume Nassia Yakovaki, Ancient and Modern Greeks in the Late 18th Century: A Comparative Approach from a European Perspective, in Ausdrucksformen und Internationalen Philhellenismus vom Jahrhundert, in the series Philhellenische Studien, vol. 13 (Frankfurt/ NewYork: Peter Lang Verlag, 2007), p Artemis Leontis, Topographies of Hellenism Mapping the Homeland (Ithaca & London: Cornell Univ. Press, 1995), p. 46, cites from Le Corbusier, Journey to the East,( trans.) Ivan Žaknic (London: The MIT Press, 1989), p Loukia Droulia, The Revival of the Greek Ideal and Philhellenism. A Perambulation, p.7: L.Droulia-Philhellenism-Poland%20ed.pdf For a deep analysis of the narrative of Hölderlin, see Güthenke, Placing Modern Greece, pp See for the effects of this work in English romanticisim, see: Timothy Webb, English Romantic Hellenism, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp There were three partial (two by Georgios Sakellarios, and one by Rhigas Velistinlis) and one complete translation (by Chrysoverges Kouropalatis) into Greek between 1797 and 1819; see Augustinos, French Odysseys, p

18 novel Anastasius, or the Memoirs of a Greek, in London in The background for this story combines the the entertainment of a novel with the information of a book of travels 42 and especially tries to reconcile his image of the ideal Greek as the liberator of himself and of Europe, with the much-less exalted lives of the Greek communities in the Ottoma Empire. 43 However, Winckelmann, Lessing, Goethe, Schiller, Nietzsche and Heidegger, who were renowned Hellenists, imagined the Hellenic ideal through texts and decontextualized statues, even though they did not witness these monuments in their natural environments. 44 For the German-educated man, as Suzanne Marchand notes, German Graecophilia was widespread before the Greek War of Independence. For them, she says, the Greeks represented the following values: beauty, friendship, secularism, simplicity, rational discourse, seriousness, individual liberty, meritocracy, unity, idealism, nostalgia, and purity. 45 Many German intellectuals, especially the art historian and archaeologist J. J. Winckelmann ( ), preached the return to Greek in his books Gedanken über die Nachahmung der Griechischen Werke in der Mahlerey und Bildbauer-Kunst (1755) and Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums (1764) because the Greeks had achieved the peak of artistic beauty and scientific genius, the ultimate perfection humans can attain even though he had not visited Greece. 46 He had discovered this beauty of Greek art in Italy and opened a new line in the studies of Classical Archaeology. Philhellenism The above mentioned neo-humanistic and Romantic atmosphere with the emergence of travellers contributed to the emergence of philhellenism. 47 The most famous liberal British Romantic poet, Lord Byron ( ), was considered from the beginning the main T. Hope, Anastasius..., vol. I, Paris 1831, ix; cited by Droulia, The Revival of the Greek Ideal and Philhellenism. A Perambulation, p. 8. Reşat Kasaba, The Enlightenment, Greek Civilization and the Ottoman Empire: Reflections on Thomas Hope s Anastasius, Journal of Historical Sociology 16 (March 2003), pp. 1-21, p.3. Leontis, Topographies of Hellenism Mapping the Homeland, p. 55, f.n. 51. Suzanne Marchand, What the Greek Model Can, and Cannot, Do for the Modern State: the German Perspective, in The Making of Modern Greece: Nationalism, Romanticism, and the Uses of the Past ( ), (ed.) Roderick Beaton & David Rick (London: Ashgate, 2009), pp , p. 34. Hellmut Sichtermann, Kulturgeschichte der klassischen Archaeologie (Munich: Beck, 1996), p. 200, described 19th century scholarship as Winckelmann s heritage. For an account of what Winckelman said about the effect of Greek art, see Esther Sophia Sünderhauf, Griechensehnsucht und Kulturkritik: die deutsche Rezeption von Winckelmanns Antikenideal (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2004) and Ludwig Uhlig, Griechenland als Ideal: Winckelmann und Seine Rezeption in Deutschland (Thübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1988). For the detailed summary of philhellenism with a bibliography, see: Graecomania and Philhellensim article by Evangelos Konstantinou: 10

19 instigator and expresser of philhellenism. After his role as instigator, the action began: the harsh, national liberalist struggle, the Greek Revolution. It roused sensitive public opinion. Without this political action, it would not have been possible for Hellenism antiquarianism, neo-humanism, neo-classicism - to evolve into a dynamic philhellenic struggle, which was a complex cultural, political and military phenomenon. This is philhellenism identified with the Liberal and Romantic movement, maybe with Byronism, 48 spreading to the ends of the earth. Byron as an idol then reached North America, and aroused Greek Fever, which invigorated liberal manifestations there. 49 According to St Clair, this Greek Fever had been for a long time present among Europeans. When the Greek Revolution broke out in 1821, Europe s intellectuals were influenced by three attractive ideas: that Ancient Greece had been a paradise inhabited by supermen, that the Modern Greeks were the true descendants of the Ancient Greeks, and that a war against the Turks was necessary to regenerate the Modern Greeks in order to restore their former glories. 50 In the Ottoman Empire, a man named Adamantios Korais ( ) led the movement. 51 Born in 1748 in Smyrna (Izmir), he studied medicine in Montpellier, although he never practiced it. From 1788 he lived in Paris, where he witnessed the revolution. As Gourgouris says, since he devoted himself to a massive pedagogical project with an eye to a Greek nation independent of Ottoman rule, 52 he translated and edited voluminous ancient Greek books into Modern Greek. He even developed a different dialect, katharevousa, which was accepted as the cultivator of the Hellenic ideal. 53 His Mémoire sur l état actuel de la civilisation en Grèce (Memoir on the Present State of Civilization in Greece) is a compelling and multilayered piece of nationalist propaganda and an elaboration of Korais concept of the David E. Roessel, In Byron s Shadow. Modern Greece in the English and American Imagination (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp Ibid., pp William St Clair, That Greece Might Still Be Free: The Philhellenes in the War of Independence (Cambridge: Open Books Publishers, 2008), p. 19. For the impact of Korais see: Maria Vassilaku-Mantuvalu, Adamantios Korais ( ), der Verfasser der Schrift Die griechische Nomarchie oder Rede über die Freiheit, von einem Anonymen Griechen, in Italien die ideologische Begründung des neuen Griechentums (im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert) (Humbolt Univ., Dissertation, Berlin 1984). Stathis Gourgouris, Dream Nation: Enlightenment, Colonization and the Institution of Modern Greece (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), p. 90. For the modernization of Greek and the Greek language problem among Greek scholars, see Michael Kreutz, Modernismus und Europaidee in der Östlichen Mittelmeerwelt, , (Ph.D. Diss., Ruhr Univ. Bochum, 2005), pp

20 evolving direction of modern Greek civilization. 54 For Korais, of course, the true ancestors of the modern Greeks were the ancient Hellenes. He called the ancient Greeks Hellenes and the modern Greeks Graikoi a name he claimed to be a term for the Greeks older even than the word Hellenes, as well as being the term by which the Greeks are known in Europe. 55 Byzantium fitted the vision of Greater Hellenism enshrined in the Great Idea, since it provided the model for the expansion of the State in geographical space and historical time. 56 Later, Eugenios Voulgaris ( ), one of the most influential teachers 57 of the eighteenth century, tried to convey the ideas of the European Enlightenment to Greek Orthodox cultural intellectuals, through translations, especially those of Voltaire, 58 who wrote to Frederick of Prussia in 1769, that he wished passionately that the barbarous Turks be chased at once from the country of Xenophon, Sophocles and Plato. 59 Born in Corfu, Voulgaris held education in his hometown and later in Italy. He taught various subjects especially modern philosophy in Ioannina, Kozani, Mt. Athos, and Constantinople. He was using in his lessons his own translations. After Patriarchal Academy at Constantinople, he went to Halle and Leibzig where his books were published including Logic in In 1772, he was invited by Catherina the Great and he became the librarian and adviser of Russian court at St. Petersburg. After being an archbishop in newly founded archbishopric in Ukraine, he returned to St. Petersburg again and stayed at Monastery of Alexander Nevskii until his death. 60 Iosipos Moisiodax ( ), whose biography according to Kitromilides is a study in the social meaning of the Orthodox Commonwealth 61, born on the Northern shores of Danube and not Greek in ethnic origin, widely influenced the Greek-speaking world with 54 Olga Augustinos, Philhellenic Promises and Hellenic Visions: Korais and the Discourses of the Enlightenment, in Hellenisms: Culture, Identity, and Ethnicity from Antiquity to Modernity, (ed.) Katerina Zacharia (Ashgate: Variorium, 2008), pp , p Mackridge, Byzantium and the Greek Language Question in the 19th Century, p Idem., p. 54, quoted from Agapitos, Byzantine literature, The term teachers of the nation is used by the Greeks for the scholars as the forerunners of the Greek War of Independence. See C. A. Trypanis, Greek Literature since the Fall of Constantinople in 1453, in Balkans in Transition, (eds.) Charles and Barbara Jelavich, (California: University of California Press, 1963), pp , p On the effect of Voltaire on the mental world of the Greeks, see K. Th. Dimaras, La Grèce au temps des Lumières (Études de philologie et d'histoire, no 9) (Genève: Librairie Droz, 1969), pp Kasaba, The Enlightenment, Greek Civilization and the Ottoman Empire, p Athanasia Glycofrydi-Leontsini, Teaching Princes: A Vehicle of Moral and Political Education during the Neohellenic Enlightenment, Classical Russia ( ), pp , here pp Paschalis M. Kitromilides, The Enlightenment and the Greek Cultural Tradition in History of European Ideas 36 (2010), pp , p

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