Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013

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1 Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 The first versions of these papers were presented at the International Turgut Özal Congress on Business, Economics and Political Science (INTOCBEPS) on 1-3 November 2013 at Turgut Özal University, Ankara.

2 Volume: 2 Number: 4 Year: December 2013 / Cilt: 2 Sayı: 4 Yıl: Aralık 2013 Owner/Sahibi Prof. Dr. Abdulkadir Şengün Rector/Rektör Turgut Özal University/Turgut Özal Üniversitesi Editor/Editör Prof. Dr. Muhammet Kösecik Turgut Özal University/Turgut Özal Üniversitesi Assistant Editors/Editör Yardımcıları Asst. Prof. Dr. Lamiha Gün Asst. Prof. Dr. Engin Akçay Managing Director/Sorumlu Yazı İşleri Müdürü Assoc. Prof. Dr Yavuz Kahraman Editorial Assistance/Editoryal Sekreterya Res. Asst. Semih Kılıç Res. Asst. Serpil Ozulu Design/Tasarım Veysel Cebe Contact/İletişim Turgut Özal Üniversitesi, JOBEPS, Etlik, 06010, Ankara-TÜRKİYE info@jobeps.org ISSN: Abstracted/Indexed in Asos (Akademia Sosyal Bilimler İndeksi) INDEX COPERNICUS International Journal of Business Economics and Political Science dergisi aşağıdaki veri tabanları tarafından taranmaktadır: Index Copernicus International Akademia Sosyal Bilimler İndeksi (ASOS Index) Printed by/basım Yeri Sage Yayıncılık Reklam Matbaacılık San. ve Tic. Ltd. Şti. Zübeyde Hanım Mah. Kazım Karabekir Cad. Kültür Han No:7 / İskitler - Altındağ / Ankara

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5 CONTENTS/ İÇİNDEKİLER The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries Chigozie Enwere 1-17 Democratization in the Balkans: Evaluating the Criteria of Electoral Process Salih Özcan & Gloria Shkurti Politik Yolsuzluk ve Yasadışı Uyuşturucu Ticaretine Etkisi: Uygulamalı Bir Çalışma Osman Şahin & Erkan Demirbaş Reconsidering Organizational Commitment Construct: Empirical Test Of Acceptance Band Setyabudi Indartono Örgütsel Kimlik Algısı, Örgütsel Bağlılık ve Örgütsel Vatandaşlık Davranışı Arasındaki İlişkinin Belirlenmesine Yönelik Bir Araştırma Şirin Atakan Duman & Ayşın Paşamehmetoğlu & Ahmet Burak Poyraz The Relational Analysis and Effect Of Risk Management Techniques On Project Outcomes In Development Sector: A Case Of NGOs & INGOs In Pakistan Atif Habib & Sobia Rashid

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7 Vol:2, No:4, 1-17, December, 2013 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries Chigozie Enwere* Abstract The modern nation-states in their quest to bring into line the ideals of Neocapitalism to compliment democratic governance create socio-political conflicts. Therefore, this study seeks to examine the conceptual relevance of Social Contract theory in understanding the relationship between political absolutism and the sudden rise of violent revolutions and regime change in developing countries. The challenge facing developing countries is the adoption of Hobbes Leviathan state structure in democratization process, resulting in multi-dimensional political violence and revolution. In analyzing these variables, a historical-analytical approach is used while qualitative tools are used in data collection and analysis. The study reveals that the use of state terror by modern nation states in the preservation of national security is a catalyst that drives terrorism and revolutions. Therefore, increase in Hobbes political absolutism and states use of force brings about a corresponding rise in terrorism and revolution. Similarly, the neglect of economic aspect of Locke s Social Contract theory in developing nations creates poverty and corruption that stimulates the use of violence to correct perceived inequalities and often overthrow governments. We conclude that the quest for acquisition of private property through the adoption of Hobbes Leviathan state is the catalyst that stimulates political violence in developing countries. Key Words: Neo-Capitalism, Social Contract, Leviathan, Terrorism, Regime Change. Introduction A specter is haunting Africa, the specter of political violence and terrorism, which in recent years has troubled the minds of policy makers and occupied social science inquiry and national security strategies and preparedness. This specter of terrorism is a product of historical conditions and the tacit quest for systematic transformation of the structures of the state as well as the modern institutions of government which encourages strategic exclusion of the masses and the hegemonic inclusion of the aristocratic elites in the allocation of economic values and socio-political resources. * Head of Department/ Lecturer, Department ofpolitical Science and International Relations, Nigeria Turkish Nile University Abuja, Nigeria, , enweregozie@gmail.com or c.enwere@ ntnu.edu.ng

8 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 However exclusive allocation of state resources has created structural inequalities and class struggle in African states. The authoritarian elites like the Prince in Machiavelli s thesis use state power to exploit and conquer the people in order to maintain the hegemony and domination of the haves over the have not. They employ violence, falsehood, murder, terrorism, arrogance, cruelty and fraud as elements of national security in their attempt to safe guard the state against the use of reprisal violence by the have not This has increased the level of decadence and deception in the acts of governance and in the ideals of national security postures. However, in the event of political villainy and decadence in the maintenance of national security and order, Thomas Hobbes encourages the people to change such system of government while John Locke presses on the people to over throw such government. For this reason, Karl Marx postulated that all history is the history of class struggle aimed at overthrowing regimes, whose interest is to promote and maintain inclusive exploitation. This straggle is reflected and expressed between the Roman Lord and slave, medieval Lord and self, modern bourgeoisie and proletariat or the few rich and extreme poor. These struggles have destabilized and destroyed the postures of national security and created doubts about the real intent of the objectives of national security. Therefore, the history of nation-states is the history of class struggle, expressed in terms of revolution, violence and terrorism which determine and influences the strategies, posture and contextual goals of national security. However, terrorism evolves within a social context which provides the framework for violent struggle in the allocation of economic values in Nigeria, therefore proper understanding of the decadence in national security and the dynamic rise in international terrorism can be located in the negative attitudes and policy actions of the elites in the allocation of values (Alabi, 2007;203). Thus, the use of economic terrorism and structural violence by the Nigeria political elites have daily denied the poor masses of their economic, social and political rights and privileges, making Nigeria a viable theatre for the operations and complexities of international terrorism, which led to the rise of extreme terrorism in Niger Delta and Northern regions of Nigeria particularly in Yobe State. Towns and villages have been bombed and destroyed by the state soldiers in their bid to preserve national security and also by the insurgent groups in their quest for self preservation in a society dominated by corruption, poverty, exploitation and inequalities. Therefore, this paper attempts to give a conceptual analysis and relationship of the two variables, international terrorism and national security. The paper will also examine the extent to which the neglect of the economic aspects of national security and the introduction of Neo-classical liberalism in the core 2

9 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries policy of Nigerian economy has produce the tangible and intangible elements of terrorism that threatens and influences the strategies, structures and dimensions of Nigeria s national security. The Conceptual Discourse of Social Contract and Its Relevance in Understanding Political Revolutions in Developing Countries The Social Contract theory is associated with the names of three philosophers, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau. This theory depicts a state of nature in which exists ethical dialectical struggle between terror and mutual coexistence. This ethical struggle determines the dialectical balance between the legitimacy of state and the loyalty of its citizens. Disequilibrium occurs when the citizens withdraw their support and loyalty from the state leading to the rise of terror and acts of terrorism. When the state maintains a stable equilibrium between legitimacy and loyalty, national cohesion or collective security is sustained and preserved. The aim of this paper is to explore the theoretical connection between terrorism and the inability of modern African states to put into practice the ideals of Social Contract theory as well as to examine its consequences on national security and order. This paper adopts a qualitative content analysis aimed at locating the root causes of terrorism in the failure of developing countries to apply the ideals of Social Contract theory in the organization and operations of modern nation states. We, therefore, stress the importance of intuition, logical inquiry and unobtrusive measures in analyzing the subjective variables of terrorism and national security. The essence of sovereignty and the hegemony of democratic values in the institutional structures of modern states is an attempt to wrest a measure of meaning, security, dignity and order from the cruelty, terror, brute violence and hazard of existence in the state nature, which provides the structural frameworks for the creation and organization of modern states. Therefore, to explain the theoretical relationship between the preservation of national security in modern states that allow the dynamics and terms of the social contract to determine its institutional existence and in those states that violate the ideals of social contract, we shall adopt a case study analysis. In the Nigerian case, the Boko Haram terrorism and the Niger Delta violent agitation for inclusion in the distribution of economic resources provides the most appropriate framework for explaining the relationship that theoretically exists between acts of terrorism and the failure of social contact in modern states. The Dialectics of Social Contract Theory and Its Impact on the Rise of Violent Revolutions in Developing Countries The dialectics of Social Contract theory reveal the existence of terror in the state 3

10 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 of nature which is the root cause of fear that official and unofficial violence will someday, somehow lead to the complete breakdown of the political system (Knauss and strickland, 1988:85). Therefore, beneath the surface of the political order of modern states lurks the brutish state of nature which according to Thomas Hobbes ( ) is a condition of a general disposition to war, terror and brute violence of every man against every man. Force and terrorism flourish in such state and consequently there is perpetual fear and strife. The insecurity in the state of nature arises from the quest by each individual for his own selfish interest. According to Hobbes, since men are basically equal in physical strength and cunning; it is difficult for anyone to succeed. Therefore, people live in constant fear of violent death and extreme acts of terrorism. However, the fear of death and destructive acts of terror lead men to seek for collective national security and order. A superior authority is therefore needed to restrain men from the use of terror as an instrument of self preservation. A social contract is designed to ensure that power is transferred to an absolute authority or Leviathan. The Leviathan has absolute power to maintain national security, order and peace as well as to preserve and strengthen the doctrine of absolute state. Therefore, Hobbies provides the theoretical framework on which the concept of national security stands. Also, Umar (2000:46) argues that national security entails the protection of the lives, rights, dignity and property of the citizens as well as the resources, territory and sovereignty of a nation state. So, Samai (1987:6), Umar s conception of national security explains the extent to which all the elements of power are used for the protection of national interest through the absolute authority of state. Since security is a multi dimensional concept, the concentric circle theory sees national security as the defense of the state through the use of military power and coercion (Mbachu, 2009: 63). From this theoretical viewpoint, Niccolo Machiavelli ( ) subscribes to Hobbes theory of absolute Leviathan. He goes further to argue that the Leviathan which he described as the Prince should always aim at conquering and maintaining security and order in the state. In his view, the state should employ the use of terror, violence, murder, cruelty and fraud in his quest to safeguard the national security of the state. Thus, Machiavelli separates the concept of national security from morality, ethics, religion and metaphysics. Machiavelli insists that the state has its own anonymous values, which he describes as political morality. This implies that the determination of a state s political conduct and security should not be influenced by an appeal to Christian morality but to raison d etate (reason of state). According to Machiavelli, the morality of the state is the morality of success in defending itself and 4

11 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries guaranteeing national security by any means possible and not depending on allies and mercenaries. Therefore, the Machiavelli s theory of national security is used to justify the use of state terrorism in maintaining order and peace by modern nation states. This is the terror within terrorism, an extreme political behavior in the panoply of national security. However, modern states since after the end of the Cold War have adopted coercive strategies as a means of national security. The use of coercive terror by modern states is based on Hobbes proposition that the people reserve the right to change any government that fails to maintain order and peace. Therefore, to prevent the rise of violent revolution, modern states adopt Hobbes s leviathan approach in maintaining national security and order. This approach strengths the doctrine of leviathan state and assigns to the state the duty of using authoritarian or coercive powers in maintaining order and security for benefit of all citizens (Anifowose and Enemuo, 2008: 71) Adhering tacitly to Machiavelli and Hobbes security strategies, modern nation-states have transformed their security policies from one centered on ethically grounded structures to one based on power politics and interest ambition (Michael, 1998:89). Reason of state has become a justification for the use of force as instrument of power politics and unadorned domination. Without monopoly of violence by the state and without a high probability that each act of opposition by the people will be answered by a coercive sanction, chaos would ensue and social order will collapse in the state. Base on Hobbes and Machiavelli s theoretical assumptions, the democratic regimes in Nigeria, in her bid to consolidate the leviathan status of modern Nigerian nation-state towards maintaining national security, used brute force and terror against Mohammed Yusuf and his revolutionary Islamic movement known as Boko Haram whose primary intent is to overthrow the democratic government and replace it with an Islamic regime. It is perfectly obvious that Boko Haram and its acts of terrorism, according to this bankrupt view is a focused resistance to the Prince status of the Nigerian state as depicted in Hobbes theory. Drawing inference from this viewpoint, many scholars argue that terrorism is effective just insofar as it paralyses the leviathan status of the state and disorganizes its intended victims and evokes fear or chaos in the political system. Therefore, terrorism awakens the political class s striving for a perfect monopoly of violence. The political ruling class in their attempt to maintain its monopoly of violence in the state describes the terrorist acts of Boko Haram as senseless violence carried out by faceless individuals whose primary interest is to cause chaos, mayhem and violent death. Another prescriptive assumption held by the ruling elites is that Boko Haram members are ghosts. This conception of terrorists as ghosts takes the form that only ghosts would resort to many of the actions that Boko 5

12 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 Haram have undertaken. This implies that terrorism is the activities of ghosts. The purpose of this myth is to deny Boko Haram insurgents any possible legitimacy with the population, which they are trying to influence by their terrorist actions. The waters of this myth become particularly murky, when the government engages in terrorist activities. Through the use of its organized terror operations, the state uses the police and the military to perpetrate acts of violence that appear offensive to the population. Such acts of terror are carried out by Nigerian soldiers not only on members of Boko Haram but also on the population to cow them to expose the identity of the insurgents. The government justifies its acts of terrorism in the name of promoting national security. When the same act is perpetrated by insurgent terrorist groups, it is interpreted as a wanton criminal activity of tactless ghosts or hoodlums. However, increase in state terrorism as an instrument of national security brings about a corresponding increase in terrorist activities of insurgent groups. In fact, the terror within terrorism resides precisely in this symbiotic relationship between national security and civil insurgence. The terrorists define their behaviours either as a direct attack on regimes or as a demonstration to the apathetic public that the rulers cannot protect them and ought to be repudiated; thus, the compliant masses are confounded and frightened by this symbiotic contradiction (Michael, 1988: 90). Also, the terrorists through their numerous violent attacks seek to prove that the intuitive horror of the leviathan state cannot help in preventing the political collapse of the system when confronted with acts of extreme terrorism. Drawing inference from classical theoretical assumption, the random acts of Boko Haram terror can be classified as propaganda of the deed (Michael, 1988:92). Bombing, assassinations, kidnapping and demand for ransom by insurgent groups in Nigeria are seen as covert means of showing the vulnerability of the Nigerian State, dissatisfaction with the socio- economic inequalities and to force the state to change its coercive character of organized terror as well as to command publicity for the terrorist ideals. The sudden demonstration of bombing and wanton destruction of human and infrastructural resources by insurgent groups is to achieve the latent and residual purpose of terror. Latent terror demonstrates the ability of Boko Haram insurgents to arouse public opinion about the intended consequences of terrorist attack. The tacit objective behind terrorism is to create fear and stimulate reactions to explain the effects of anxiety in terror situations. By residual terror we mean the fears people have of a recurrence of something that actually happened to them. In Nigeria, where a large population lost parents and friends in Boko Haram bombing, there is increased predisposition to anxiety compounded by residuum and feelings of reoccurrence of random bombing. 6

13 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries So, the latent and residual elements of terrorism are aimed at increasing the levels of tension, crisis, political degeneration and social disorganization in order to put consistent pressures on the state to meet the demands of the terrorists and reform the society for the benefits of all. This shows that it is only by collapsing the social and political systems through acts of terrorism can the people restrain the states from embracing Hobbes conception of calling the sovereign a monster to adopting Aristotle s organic conception of a just state, which provides the collective framework for man to realize itself and achieve the highest good based on social equity and justice. Therefore, the absence of equity and justice in the allocation of values and resources brought about by the inability of modern states to adhere to the values and ideals of social contract theory is the root cause of rising waves of terrorism in developing countries. John Locke repeatedly insists that the end of government is the good of the state. He further posits that government should be more constitutional and base its activities on rule of law. The powers of government should remain limited and not absolute and be based on consent which may be tacit rather than open. In modern states of Africa particularly Nigeria, the government has tacitly failed to conceive government as a trust but has ultimately located sovereignty in the political elites rather than in the people. This has led to the rise of authoritarianism under the guise of democracy. Following the ideals of Locke s social contract theory, the people legitimately revolt against the government through various violent means in order to overthrow the government. Because of the authoritarian nature of most governments in developing countries, governance takes the form of repression, which compels the people to use acts of terror to press for socio-political change. This explains the revolutions in Syria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and the extreme acts of terror in Nigeria by Boko Haram, wherein the people use violence as an instrument to overthrow governments that have legitimacy crisis. Analysis of Current Events of Boko Haram Terrorist Activities in Sub -Saharan Africa The Boko Haram revolutionary activities against the Nigerian state and its institutions of government give rise to greater feelings of fear and exhilaration in Sub-Saharan Africa. Its use of extreme terror and violence conjures up images of destruction arising from reaction to the growing exploitative powers of government and the increased influence of Western capitalism in Sub-Saharan Africa. This has provided the cohesive force needed to unite the peasants to revolt against the political elites who control the national wealth and means of production, which sometimes supplies the emotive force for further fragmentation of Nigerian society. 7

14 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 The concept of revolution and the extensive use of terror to contain the perceived influence of Western capitalism and its oligarchical system of government in Sub-Saharan Africa have had a long history and has changed in meaning several times. It first started during the colonial era when it referred to the restoration of an old order of values as instituted by Usman Dan Fodiyo. The revolutionary Mahdist composed of radical clerics, peasants and slaves sought to overthrow the British colonial regimes and its exploitative system of capitalism. This revolutionary resistance influenced the British colonial government to sign a pact with the Northern protectorate that the European style of education and value-system should not be implemented in the region and that indirect rule should be adopted instead of direct imperial rule (Danjibo, 2009:10). However, with the demise of colonialism in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Western powers methodologically transferred political and economic powers of the colonies to a selected group of elites under the direct control of international capitalist actors. A new capitalist system was reproduced in new states of Sub- Saharan Africa. These new independent states were also exploitative and parasitic with oligarchic leviathan political structures. The strategic inflow of unregulated capitalism into African societies created individualism, selfishness, poverty and new class of private property owners. The new economic system allowed people with money to govern, thereby subjugating all state resources for promotion of personal prestige and self interest. Therefore, in the early 1980s, the Maitatsine uprising in Northern Nigeria developed as a protest against the harsh economic exploitation of raw capitalism and hegemonic influence of Western Values that contradict traditional Islamic values. According to Muhammadu Marwa, the Maitatsine uprising was inspired by the contradictions inherent in the institutional structures of secular state (Danjibo, 2009:13). The Maitatsine uprising polarized the struggle against the state and its institutions of exploitation. Two revolutionary groups emerged to strengthen agitation against the continued existence of secular state in Nigeria. These groups were the Society for Removal of Innovation and Re-establishment of Sunnah founded in Jos in 1978 known as Izala and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria a Shite movement led by Ibrahim El-Zakzaky. Rooted in these uprisings were the quest to change the institutions OF the state and elimination of government which they regarded as the product of international capitalism. These large scales uprising by individualistic Islamic fundamentalists motivated Boko Haram to seek more popular revolt against the government to agitate for a new social organization based on Islamic values. So, Boko Haram sees government as an impediment to human progress which is to eliminated either in part or even completely (Eme and Jide, 2012:14-35). 8

15 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries Agreeing that government should be limited, Boko Haram tend to wage war against the Nigerian state based on the perception that Nigerian politics and economy has been annexed and controlled by corrupt elites and Western Values, which has produced ostensible corruption, poverty, concentration of wealth into the hands of the few, unemployment, centralization of power in the state and the continued suppression of true Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa (Onuoha, 2012:2). In their quest to overthrow the state they propagate anti state ideology and called on Muslims to breakdown the state s monopoly of power by a lessening of the habit of obedience through the use of extreme terror or acts of violence (Eme and Onyishi, 2011:51-67). Therefore, Walker (2012:2) argues that the lessening of obedience will erode the myths of the state, which will act as a catalyst for the destruction of the Nigerian state and creation of a new Islamic state organized under Islamic laws and value system. Thus, Boko Haram started is armed rebellion against the Nigerian state in July 26, 2009 in Bauchi state (Simeon, 2012:46-53). However its use of violence in Bauchi state has been transfigured into terrorism which has spread over Nigeria and its neighbouring Sub-Saharan African countries. As presented in table 1 below, different methods of acts of terrorism were employed by Boko Haram from with different degree of success in terms of casualties. Table 1: Types of Terror Attacks and Frequency Distribution Types of Assault/Attacks Frequency %age Armed Attacks Bombing and Explosions Midnight/ Terror Attacks Mass Murder/ Suicide Raid Assassination Murder Beheading Abduction/Kidnapping Jailbreaks Total 108 attacks 100% Source: British Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, Vol.17 No 1 (2014) Table 1 presents the analysis of the nature and types of terrorist attack typical of Boko Haram as well as the frequency in percentage occurrence. It is obvious that Boko Haram uses Improvised Explosive Devices (IED) to carry out its acts of terror and violence which represents 35.8% of their various methods of destruction of human lives (Akinfala, Akinbode and Kemmer, 2014: ). Other methods of terrorist attacks employed by Boko Haram include armed attack representing 20.7%, assassination, murder and beheading 14.2%, abduction and kidnapping 6.7%, mass murder and suicide bombing 11.3% while jail break represents only 3.8%. 9

16 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 In order to examine the number of terror attacks and casualties, Akinfole, Akinbode and Kemmer (2014: ) computed the frequencies of concurrencies as presented in the table below. Table 2: Number of Reported Terror Attacks in Frequencies in Fatality Years In Retrospect No s of reported Armed Attacks in Frequencies Number of people Reportedly Killed (Estimated in Hundredth) Not less than 444 Not less than 600 Not less than 481 Not less than 559 Not less than 511 Number of People Displaced (Estimated in Hundredth) Number of People Displaced (Estimated in Hundredth) Over 167 Over 321 Over 356 Over 459 Over 273 Over 150 Number of Properties Destroyed (Estimated in Hundredth) Not less than 15 buildings Not less than 30 buildings Over 50 buildings Over 12 churches Over 12 cars Over 519 Over 423 Over 26 cars Over 708 Over 3,080 Over 999 buildings and 10 cars raised Source: British Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, Vol.17 No 1 (2014) The above table 2 represents the incidence of terrorist attacks by Boko Haram in Nigeria, in 2009 there were four terrorist attacks, 2010, 10 attacks; 2011, 43 attacks; 2012, 37 attacks; 2013, 15 attacks while as at June 2014 there are over 20 terrorist attacks including the kidnapping of over 250 girls from Government Secondary School Chibok and another 20 young ladies (Akinfala, Akinbode and Kemmer, 2014:133). Increase in the number of attacks brings about a proportionate increase in the number of deaths, injured as well as displaced people, which invariably puts extensive pressures on the government. As the Boko Haram terrorist activities increases, the intensity of pressures and criticisms against the government also increases. In order to suppress the terrorists, the government adopts the Hobbesian strategy of dictatorial force to restore security and order as well as to preserve the sovereign power of state and its monopoly of violence. To this extent, the government see Boko Haram as a ghost which must be unmasked and destroyed through military brutality and state terror. This strategy demands increase in military budget expenditure. Against this background, billions of Naira has been allocated for security in the country. Security has taken the lion share of national budgetary allocations because of the threat of Boko Haram, Niger Delta Militants and rising spate of 10

17 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries insecurity and wanton destruction of lives and property. In 2012, the government proposed N 4.7 trillion budget, representing 6% increase over 2011 budget. In 2013, the government spent a total of N trillion representing an increase of N135 billion over what was appropriated in A breakdown of 2013 budget shows that defence received N 349 billion, police formations N311.1 billion, police affairs N8.5 billion, interior N156.1 billion and office of the national security adviser billion. Budget allocation for security and defense from are represented as follows: 2008, N billion; 2009, N 233 billion; 2010, N264 billion; N 2011, 348 billion; 2012, N billion; 2013, N trillion and in 2014, N billion representing 20% of the budget (Eme and Anyadike, 2013:23-24). Despite, the astronomical increase in military expenditure and spending, yet it remains insufficient for military operations to contain rising tides of violent insurgencies and attacks. These have adverse effects on the socio-economic and political development of Nigeria and its neighbouring Sub-Saharan states. For this reason, a case has been made that terrorism is a serious impediment to sustainable development, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa and this is not only prevalent in Nigeria, but has proliferated since the collapse of Soviet Union and demise of international socialism. So, one of the greatest challenges of governments in Sub-Saharan region is how to develop capacity and strategies to contain the sudden rise of violent insurgencies which is gradually eroding the powers of the state. Therefore, William Kornhauser s conservative theory of revolution offers the necessary explanation about the origin of Boko Haram and why terrorism took hold of Nigeria and its current proliferation in Sub-Saharan Africa. The main position of this article is that the reintroduction of democracy and its elements of sham elections, corruption and godfather syndrome has caused too much social mobility into the ruling elite class. Such rapid social mobility causes a breakdown of traditional, social and religious values in Sub-Saharan Africa which lead to growth of anomic groups like Boko Haram and the development of corrosive philosophies that Western education is sacrilege. So, the name Boko Haram is derived from the Hausa word for book which means Boko and the Arabic word Haram which designates those things which are forbidden or sinful (Adagba, Ugwu and Eme, 2012:100). According to Kornhauser, revolutionary behaviour or extreme acts of terrorism occurs when rapid change causes individuals to be uprooted social class ties and those individuals become more responsive either to form or join mass movements, as the case of Mohammed Yusuf shows. Before he joined the Boko Haram sect which was originally led by Abubakar Lawan, he attended the University of Medina (Simeon, 2012:32-45). Being uprooted from the elite class 11

18 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 he began to promote corrosive Islamic teachings and philosophies which he used to manipulate the minds of the peasants and the unemployed people to form a mass terrorist movement. The binding cord of this movement is the collective feelings of frustrations shared by the members, who see government as a tool of exploitation and an evil leviathan that promotes the interests of the ruling elite. Therefore the Boko Haram mass terrorist movement also contains individuals who have been alienated from society because of the rapid movements through the stratification system and consequently lost their links with their own social class. Such rapid social alienation was created by the progressive removal of fuel subsidy by the ruling class. The cost of living had risen and manual labourers and peasants were hit by unemployment while white collar workers and professionals probably more by inflation that unemployment. Meanwhile the number of political class millionaires has increased since the reintroduction of democratic institutions in Nigeria. The frustration exacerbated by these factors united the peasants in Northern Nigeria to violently revolt against the state and its institutions of government. Finally, too much mobility into the ruling elite class has caused the weakening of its internal cohesion which leaves the elite class less exclusively based on a particular ideology. The weakness of the elite class in sub- Saharan Africa lead to in-fighting within the elite and for this reason the ruling elite can no longer present a united front to contain terrorism, thereby making the Boko Haram insurgent movement to have more like hood of success. The Implications of Theory of Neo-liberalism, Economic Deprivation and Exclusionism on the Escalation of Terrorism in Developing Countries. This section will explain how the structural implementation of Neo-liberal economic policies and the neglect of economic aspects of national security provide the catalyst for the escalation of terrorism in developing African nations. Terrorism as a tactic that involves the use of unpredictable violence to induce fear was introduced into African politics by the colonial powers. The European colonial administrators used organized terror as a strategy to maintain the structures of the new colonial states, which was imposed on African nations during the partition of African territories in the Berlin Conference of This assumption provides the conceptual premise to correct the historical error that terrorism was an integral part of African political system and culture. However, African countries do provide a variety of contexts within which to qualitatively assess the impact of social conflicts of capitalism. It was the Europeans who created Leviathan nation states in Africa and systematically introduced these states into the international capitalist system guided by conservative economic ideology of Neo-liberalism. European intrusion into African politicoeconomic systems destroyed the political, economic and national security structures that exited in pre-colonial African nation states and tacitly replaced 12

19 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries it with a new political and national security framework that are dependent on European states, weapons and strategies. This has created a political, economic and security dilemma in Africa because both the terrorist groups and the state get their military weapons from the same source in Europe. Hence, both the government and the insurgent groups have acquired parity in destructive power capability, making it difficult for the states to contain the destructive power potentials of the terrorists. Therefore, the current waves of terrorism in modern African states is a direct consequence of global capitalist contradictions and social conflicts introduced into Africa by international finance capital through the implementation of neoliberal economic reforms. For this reason, colonialism was used as a strategic instrument by the European capitalist powers to export the social conflicts and contradictions of European capitalism to Africa. The success of this policy can be seen in the ever widening gap between the rich and the poor in African states. The social conflicts of capitalism become very high in Europe before and after the end of the World War II. During this period in Europe, there was a great gulf between the few rich and many poor as well as mass unemployment and many low level standard of living. These economic contradictions provided the empirical factors that triggered of violent protests in Europe and America in the 1960s. The reason for the escalation of social conflicts and violence in the post war period is linked with the struggle between the capitalists and the workers over the distribution of the surplus profits make from the colonies. However, from the end of the nineteenth century onwards, colonies had been regarded as a source of wealth which could be used to mitigate the class conflicts in the capitalist states of Europe but this metropolitan policy failed in its ultimate object because the pre war capitalist states were so organized internally that the bulk of the profits made from colonial possessions and explorative trade activities found its way into the pockets of the capitalist class and not into those of the works. This created feelings of extreme frustration that increased tremendously the context and dimensions of aggressive behaviors leading to corresponding increase in social conflicts and violence in Europe (Nkrumah, 1965:9-20).Therefore, irrespective of what particular political party was in power, the internal pressures of social conflicts and violence in Europe and America were such that no capitalist country can survive solely relying on the ideology of classical economic liberalism, unless it became a welfare state guided by Keynesian modern economic liberalism that maximizes the strategic role of government in stimulating economic activities and development. Above all, the post war global capitalism inaugurated a well articulated colonial policy that paid a more serious attention to exploiting African resources, generally to finance the welfare state in Europe. In doing this, Europe through 13

20 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 the instrumentality of colonialism forcibly imposed the ideology of conservative classical economic liberalism on African states which created more opportunities for European and American finance capital to dominate African investment and market. Because of the explorative nature of conservative classical liberalism, African economic system is strategically controlled by global capitalism directed from London and New York. This strategic control of African economy by the metropolis created mass unemployment, poverty, low living standard and a great exploitable gap between the few rich and many poor. Therefore, this post World War II economic liberal strategy provided the first framework for the kickoff of terrorism in Africa because through colonialism and neo colonialism, European capitalist introduced structural violence in Africa. Therefore, under the guise of democracy, global capitalists introduced and deepen authoritarianism in African states, using structural violence like mass unemployment and poverty to redirect the minds of African peoples from the Locke s theoretical proposition of revolution. According to Locke, if a government does not promote the general good of its citizens or if it does not rest on their consent, such a government should be legitimately overthrown (Anifowose and Enemuo, 2008:72). Since the primary object of global capitalism is to achieve and maintain European domination over developing countries, a coercive apparatus of police and military forces were created in Africa during the colonial period and are sustained by the political elites in the contemporary era to suppress the political will of the people to revolt against the values and operations of international capitalism. The coercive nature of colonial police and military forces contributed to the creation of an authoritarian political environment that is carried over into the contemporary globalization era in Africa characterized by pseudo democratic values and government, leading to inequitable distributions of social and economic goods (Schraeder,2004:69). Galtung proposes that violence is present when human beings are being influenced so that their actual somatic and mental realizations are below their potential realization (Galtung, 1969:168). Such structural gap between somatic realization and potential realization triggers off structural violence which many view as regime terror. Such structural terror may be the result of system level phenomena which provides the socio political frame work for possible anti state terror posing great challenges to national security. Inequality and its implication of economic deprivation are recognized widely as sources for anti state violence or terrorism. Such perceptions according to Denmark and Welfing can develop in a variety of circumstances (Denemark and Welfing, 1988:449). Awareness that one possessed less of a certain value than one did previously, less than does some reference group or less than one 14

21 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries does some other value are some of the circumstances that might lead to civil insurgence or acts of terror. For example, one might be economically equal but not permitted political expression or vice versa and such perceived deprivation can lead to resentment against the political system, creating the impression that only violence or acts of terror could be used to correct the perceived injustice or economic deprivation. Hence, terror is used against the state and its institutions of governance. This conceptual assumption provides the context in which to analyze the Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria. Moreover, the impositions of the European nation state system on developing countries during the period of colonization have created series of artificial states. Some of these states were products of subjugation or division of existing pre-colonial nations among several states (for example Somali nation divided among Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibonti). Other states were products of incorporation of several African nations into one state as the case of Nigeria where three nations Igbo, Yoruba and Hausa/Funali were fused together to form one state (Schraeder, 2004:62). This shows that the creation of African states by Europe is an aberration of the social contract theory and did not evolve gradually according to the wishes of African peoples. Therefore, because of these structural weakness and identity crisis, the modern African nation states use force to maintain national security and also preserve the operations of global capitalism in Africa. So, in the absence of a contract relationship between the state and the people, the citizens are more likely to use terrorism as an instrument of power especially where resistance by the government is high. State domination is not a relationship likely to appeal to the majority of the politically dominated and economically exploited class; therefore, the state would be likely to have terror at hand, if not in constant use. Fanon supports this theoretical assumption and perceives force as one of the major pillars upon which the maintenance of an exploitative state depends. This becomes obvious especially in periods of resistance by the people particularly on issues of deprivation, poverty, mass unemployment and exploitation. In response to such civil resistance, the agents of government (the police and the military) speak the language of pure terror. This line of reasoning and action escalates the level of reappraisal attacks by the deprived individuals or insurgent groups. Hence terrorism serves as a prop of power relations in modern African states. In this paper, a number of factors have been discussed as explanation for the terrorism that was inherited from European colonial rule and which still haunts Africa in this contemporary globalization era. The primary feature of modern African nation states that are contrary to the tenets of social contract theory is the excessive use state violence or terrorism to maintain its hegemonic influence over all citizens. Under the guise of maintaining national security, such coercive 15

22 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 powers are used to tacitly protect the interest and investment the global capitalist actors and its system of economic exclusion. However, such unrestricted capitalist system and governance foster responses of terrorism. The harsher the system of economic deprivation and the longer it attempts to hold on, the more prevalent terror and counter terror are likely to become, creating destabilizing threat to national security. Thus, political exclusion, social inequalities and economic deprivations are primary sources of terrorism in modern African nation states. The case studies of Boko Haram in Nigeria and violent revolutions in Libya, Egypt, Syria and Mali point to the primacy of political repression and economic exclusion as the root cause of violent opposition and high level acts of terrorism.. Conclusion In this paper, an attempt was made to analyze the Social Contract theory and its relationship in understanding the covert and overt cause of terror which constitute the greatest challenge to national security. This paper gave a conceptual analysis of how economic exclusion, deprivation and unrestricted global capitalism act as catalysts that structurally stimulate domestic and international terrorism. Therefore, the study identifies that the contemporary African nation states was a creation of colonialism, which forcibly divided pre-colonial African nations among several countries or incorporated several African nations into one state. This created violent irredentism, political exclusion, social inequalities and economic marginalization that provide the structural catalysts for terrorism and violent struggle in developing nations. The contemporary African states did not evolve gradually according to the wishes of the people, contrary to the tents of the Social Contract theory. Therefore, in order to maintain the state, the new crops of political elites use extreme coercion and terror, which also fosters responses or acts of terrorism from the people, posing great dangers to national security. Hence, terrorism is most often used as an instrument of interest articulation by individuals or as a means to emancipate them from the exploitation of global capitalism. 16