1 Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 The first versions of these papers were presented at the International Turgut Özal Congress on Business, Economics and Political Science (INTOCBEPS) on 1-3 November 2013 at Turgut Özal University, Ankara.
2 Volume: 2 Number: 4 Year: December 2013 / Cilt: 2 Sayı: 4 Yıl: Aralık 2013 Owner/Sahibi Prof. Dr. Abdulkadir Şengün Rector/Rektör Turgut Özal University/Turgut Özal Üniversitesi Editor/Editör Prof. Dr. Muhammet Kösecik Turgut Özal University/Turgut Özal Üniversitesi Assistant Editors/Editör Yardımcıları Asst. Prof. Dr. Lamiha Gün Asst. Prof. Dr. Engin Akçay Managing Director/Sorumlu Yazı İşleri Müdürü Assoc. Prof. Dr Yavuz Kahraman Editorial Assistance/Editoryal Sekreterya Res. Asst. Semih Kılıç Res. Asst. Serpil Ozulu Design/Tasarım Veysel Cebe Contact/İletişim Turgut Özal Üniversitesi, JOBEPS, Etlik, 06010, Ankara-TÜRKİYE ISSN: Abstracted/Indexed in Asos (Akademia Sosyal Bilimler İndeksi) INDEX COPERNICUS International Journal of Business Economics and Political Science dergisi aşağıdaki veri tabanları tarafından taranmaktadır: Index Copernicus International Akademia Sosyal Bilimler İndeksi (ASOS Index) Printed by/basım Yeri Sage Yayıncılık Reklam Matbaacılık San. ve Tic. Ltd. Şti. Zübeyde Hanım Mah. Kazım Karabekir Cad. Kültür Han No:7 / İskitler - Altındağ / Ankara
3 ADVISORY BOARD/DANIŞMA KURULU Prof. Dr. Muhittin Acar Hacettepe Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Muhammed Akdiş Gediz Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ahmet Aksoy Gazi Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Muhlis Bağdigen Bülent Ecevit Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Chris Bailey Keele University Prof. Dr. Serkan Bayraktaroğlu Sakarya Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Veysel K. Bilgiç Polis Akademisi Prof. Dr. Yıldıray Çınar Syracuse University Prof. Dr. M. Akif Çukurçayır Selçuk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Pascale Ezan Université de Rouen Prof. Dr. İbrahim Güngör Akdeniz Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Alan Hunter Coventry University Prof. Dr. Naim Kapucu University of Central Florida Prof. Dr. Muhsin Kar Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Hikmet Kavruk Gazi Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mustafa Ökmen Celal Bayar Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Özgür Pamukkale Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. İsmail Özsoy Fatih Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Hamit Palabıyık Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Bekir Parlak Uludağ Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Vedat Pazarlıoğlu İzmir Katip Çelebi Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. İsa Sağbaş Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Vildan Serin Fatih Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Eric Smith Essex University Prof. Dr. Kevin Theakstone University of Leeds Prof. Dr. Kemal Yıldırım Anadolu Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Uğur Yıldırım Kahramanmaraş Sütçü İmam Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Fatih Yüksel Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Murat Karaöz Akdeniz Üniversitesi
4 ABOUT JOBEPS Journal of Business Economics and Political Science (JOBEPS) is a biannual and refereed journal. Each volume consists of at least two issues. Claims, opinions or ideas expressed in JOBEPS are solely those of the authors and do not imply endorsement by the editors or Turgut Ozal University. Authors should consult the Notes for Contributors at back of the journal before submitting their final drafts. Manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be sent via or via the online submission system on the journal s homepage. JOBEPS is a registered trademark of Turgut Ozal University. JOBEPS HAKKINDA JOBEPS yılda en az iki kez yayımlanan hakemli bir dergidir. Her bir cilt iki sayı içerir. JOBEPS de yer alan makalelerde ileri sürülen iddia, görüş ya da düşünceler yazarlara aittir. Editörlerin ya da Turgut Özal Üniversitesi nin resmi görüş ve düşüncelerini yansıtmaz. Yazarlar makalelerini derginin son sayfasında yer alan Yayın Koşulları ve Yazım Kurallarına göre yazmalıdırlar. Makaleler ile ya da derginin internet sayfasındaki online makale sunum sistemi ile gönderilebilir. JOBEPS Turgut Özal Üniversitesi adına tescillidir.
5 CONTENTS/ İÇİNDEKİLER The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries Chigozie Enwere 1-17 Democratization in the Balkans: Evaluating the Criteria of Electoral Process Salih Özcan & Gloria Shkurti Politik Yolsuzluk ve Yasadışı Uyuşturucu Ticaretine Etkisi: Uygulamalı Bir Çalışma Osman Şahin & Erkan Demirbaş Reconsidering Organizational Commitment Construct: Empirical Test Of Acceptance Band Setyabudi Indartono Örgütsel Kimlik Algısı, Örgütsel Bağlılık ve Örgütsel Vatandaşlık Davranışı Arasındaki İlişkinin Belirlenmesine Yönelik Bir Araştırma Şirin Atakan Duman & Ayşın Paşamehmetoğlu & Ahmet Burak Poyraz The Relational Analysis and Effect Of Risk Management Techniques On Project Outcomes In Development Sector: A Case Of NGOs & INGOs In Pakistan Atif Habib & Sobia Rashid
7 Vol:2, No:4, 1-17, December, 2013 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries Chigozie Enwere* Abstract The modern nation-states in their quest to bring into line the ideals of Neocapitalism to compliment democratic governance create socio-political conflicts. Therefore, this study seeks to examine the conceptual relevance of Social Contract theory in understanding the relationship between political absolutism and the sudden rise of violent revolutions and regime change in developing countries. The challenge facing developing countries is the adoption of Hobbes Leviathan state structure in democratization process, resulting in multi-dimensional political violence and revolution. In analyzing these variables, a historical-analytical approach is used while qualitative tools are used in data collection and analysis. The study reveals that the use of state terror by modern nation states in the preservation of national security is a catalyst that drives terrorism and revolutions. Therefore, increase in Hobbes political absolutism and states use of force brings about a corresponding rise in terrorism and revolution. Similarly, the neglect of economic aspect of Locke s Social Contract theory in developing nations creates poverty and corruption that stimulates the use of violence to correct perceived inequalities and often overthrow governments. We conclude that the quest for acquisition of private property through the adoption of Hobbes Leviathan state is the catalyst that stimulates political violence in developing countries. Key Words: Neo-Capitalism, Social Contract, Leviathan, Terrorism, Regime Change. Introduction A specter is haunting Africa, the specter of political violence and terrorism, which in recent years has troubled the minds of policy makers and occupied social science inquiry and national security strategies and preparedness. This specter of terrorism is a product of historical conditions and the tacit quest for systematic transformation of the structures of the state as well as the modern institutions of government which encourages strategic exclusion of the masses and the hegemonic inclusion of the aristocratic elites in the allocation of economic values and socio-political resources. * Head of Department/ Lecturer, Department ofpolitical Science and International Relations, Nigeria Turkish Nile University Abuja, Nigeria, , or ntnu.edu.ng
8 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 However exclusive allocation of state resources has created structural inequalities and class struggle in African states. The authoritarian elites like the Prince in Machiavelli s thesis use state power to exploit and conquer the people in order to maintain the hegemony and domination of the haves over the have not. They employ violence, falsehood, murder, terrorism, arrogance, cruelty and fraud as elements of national security in their attempt to safe guard the state against the use of reprisal violence by the have not This has increased the level of decadence and deception in the acts of governance and in the ideals of national security postures. However, in the event of political villainy and decadence in the maintenance of national security and order, Thomas Hobbes encourages the people to change such system of government while John Locke presses on the people to over throw such government. For this reason, Karl Marx postulated that all history is the history of class struggle aimed at overthrowing regimes, whose interest is to promote and maintain inclusive exploitation. This straggle is reflected and expressed between the Roman Lord and slave, medieval Lord and self, modern bourgeoisie and proletariat or the few rich and extreme poor. These struggles have destabilized and destroyed the postures of national security and created doubts about the real intent of the objectives of national security. Therefore, the history of nation-states is the history of class struggle, expressed in terms of revolution, violence and terrorism which determine and influences the strategies, posture and contextual goals of national security. However, terrorism evolves within a social context which provides the framework for violent struggle in the allocation of economic values in Nigeria, therefore proper understanding of the decadence in national security and the dynamic rise in international terrorism can be located in the negative attitudes and policy actions of the elites in the allocation of values (Alabi, 2007;203). Thus, the use of economic terrorism and structural violence by the Nigeria political elites have daily denied the poor masses of their economic, social and political rights and privileges, making Nigeria a viable theatre for the operations and complexities of international terrorism, which led to the rise of extreme terrorism in Niger Delta and Northern regions of Nigeria particularly in Yobe State. Towns and villages have been bombed and destroyed by the state soldiers in their bid to preserve national security and also by the insurgent groups in their quest for self preservation in a society dominated by corruption, poverty, exploitation and inequalities. Therefore, this paper attempts to give a conceptual analysis and relationship of the two variables, international terrorism and national security. The paper will also examine the extent to which the neglect of the economic aspects of national security and the introduction of Neo-classical liberalism in the core 2
9 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries policy of Nigerian economy has produce the tangible and intangible elements of terrorism that threatens and influences the strategies, structures and dimensions of Nigeria s national security. The Conceptual Discourse of Social Contract and Its Relevance in Understanding Political Revolutions in Developing Countries The Social Contract theory is associated with the names of three philosophers, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau. This theory depicts a state of nature in which exists ethical dialectical struggle between terror and mutual coexistence. This ethical struggle determines the dialectical balance between the legitimacy of state and the loyalty of its citizens. Disequilibrium occurs when the citizens withdraw their support and loyalty from the state leading to the rise of terror and acts of terrorism. When the state maintains a stable equilibrium between legitimacy and loyalty, national cohesion or collective security is sustained and preserved. The aim of this paper is to explore the theoretical connection between terrorism and the inability of modern African states to put into practice the ideals of Social Contract theory as well as to examine its consequences on national security and order. This paper adopts a qualitative content analysis aimed at locating the root causes of terrorism in the failure of developing countries to apply the ideals of Social Contract theory in the organization and operations of modern nation states. We, therefore, stress the importance of intuition, logical inquiry and unobtrusive measures in analyzing the subjective variables of terrorism and national security. The essence of sovereignty and the hegemony of democratic values in the institutional structures of modern states is an attempt to wrest a measure of meaning, security, dignity and order from the cruelty, terror, brute violence and hazard of existence in the state nature, which provides the structural frameworks for the creation and organization of modern states. Therefore, to explain the theoretical relationship between the preservation of national security in modern states that allow the dynamics and terms of the social contract to determine its institutional existence and in those states that violate the ideals of social contract, we shall adopt a case study analysis. In the Nigerian case, the Boko Haram terrorism and the Niger Delta violent agitation for inclusion in the distribution of economic resources provides the most appropriate framework for explaining the relationship that theoretically exists between acts of terrorism and the failure of social contact in modern states. The Dialectics of Social Contract Theory and Its Impact on the Rise of Violent Revolutions in Developing Countries The dialectics of Social Contract theory reveal the existence of terror in the state 3
10 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 of nature which is the root cause of fear that official and unofficial violence will someday, somehow lead to the complete breakdown of the political system (Knauss and strickland, 1988:85). Therefore, beneath the surface of the political order of modern states lurks the brutish state of nature which according to Thomas Hobbes ( ) is a condition of a general disposition to war, terror and brute violence of every man against every man. Force and terrorism flourish in such state and consequently there is perpetual fear and strife. The insecurity in the state of nature arises from the quest by each individual for his own selfish interest. According to Hobbes, since men are basically equal in physical strength and cunning; it is difficult for anyone to succeed. Therefore, people live in constant fear of violent death and extreme acts of terrorism. However, the fear of death and destructive acts of terror lead men to seek for collective national security and order. A superior authority is therefore needed to restrain men from the use of terror as an instrument of self preservation. A social contract is designed to ensure that power is transferred to an absolute authority or Leviathan. The Leviathan has absolute power to maintain national security, order and peace as well as to preserve and strengthen the doctrine of absolute state. Therefore, Hobbies provides the theoretical framework on which the concept of national security stands. Also, Umar (2000:46) argues that national security entails the protection of the lives, rights, dignity and property of the citizens as well as the resources, territory and sovereignty of a nation state. So, Samai (1987:6), Umar s conception of national security explains the extent to which all the elements of power are used for the protection of national interest through the absolute authority of state. Since security is a multi dimensional concept, the concentric circle theory sees national security as the defense of the state through the use of military power and coercion (Mbachu, 2009: 63). From this theoretical viewpoint, Niccolo Machiavelli ( ) subscribes to Hobbes theory of absolute Leviathan. He goes further to argue that the Leviathan which he described as the Prince should always aim at conquering and maintaining security and order in the state. In his view, the state should employ the use of terror, violence, murder, cruelty and fraud in his quest to safeguard the national security of the state. Thus, Machiavelli separates the concept of national security from morality, ethics, religion and metaphysics. Machiavelli insists that the state has its own anonymous values, which he describes as political morality. This implies that the determination of a state s political conduct and security should not be influenced by an appeal to Christian morality but to raison d etate (reason of state). According to Machiavelli, the morality of the state is the morality of success in defending itself and 4
11 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries guaranteeing national security by any means possible and not depending on allies and mercenaries. Therefore, the Machiavelli s theory of national security is used to justify the use of state terrorism in maintaining order and peace by modern nation states. This is the terror within terrorism, an extreme political behavior in the panoply of national security. However, modern states since after the end of the Cold War have adopted coercive strategies as a means of national security. The use of coercive terror by modern states is based on Hobbes proposition that the people reserve the right to change any government that fails to maintain order and peace. Therefore, to prevent the rise of violent revolution, modern states adopt Hobbes s leviathan approach in maintaining national security and order. This approach strengths the doctrine of leviathan state and assigns to the state the duty of using authoritarian or coercive powers in maintaining order and security for benefit of all citizens (Anifowose and Enemuo, 2008: 71) Adhering tacitly to Machiavelli and Hobbes security strategies, modern nation-states have transformed their security policies from one centered on ethically grounded structures to one based on power politics and interest ambition (Michael, 1998:89). Reason of state has become a justification for the use of force as instrument of power politics and unadorned domination. Without monopoly of violence by the state and without a high probability that each act of opposition by the people will be answered by a coercive sanction, chaos would ensue and social order will collapse in the state. Base on Hobbes and Machiavelli s theoretical assumptions, the democratic regimes in Nigeria, in her bid to consolidate the leviathan status of modern Nigerian nation-state towards maintaining national security, used brute force and terror against Mohammed Yusuf and his revolutionary Islamic movement known as Boko Haram whose primary intent is to overthrow the democratic government and replace it with an Islamic regime. It is perfectly obvious that Boko Haram and its acts of terrorism, according to this bankrupt view is a focused resistance to the Prince status of the Nigerian state as depicted in Hobbes theory. Drawing inference from this viewpoint, many scholars argue that terrorism is effective just insofar as it paralyses the leviathan status of the state and disorganizes its intended victims and evokes fear or chaos in the political system. Therefore, terrorism awakens the political class s striving for a perfect monopoly of violence. The political ruling class in their attempt to maintain its monopoly of violence in the state describes the terrorist acts of Boko Haram as senseless violence carried out by faceless individuals whose primary interest is to cause chaos, mayhem and violent death. Another prescriptive assumption held by the ruling elites is that Boko Haram members are ghosts. This conception of terrorists as ghosts takes the form that only ghosts would resort to many of the actions that Boko 5
12 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 Haram have undertaken. This implies that terrorism is the activities of ghosts. The purpose of this myth is to deny Boko Haram insurgents any possible legitimacy with the population, which they are trying to influence by their terrorist actions. The waters of this myth become particularly murky, when the government engages in terrorist activities. Through the use of its organized terror operations, the state uses the police and the military to perpetrate acts of violence that appear offensive to the population. Such acts of terror are carried out by Nigerian soldiers not only on members of Boko Haram but also on the population to cow them to expose the identity of the insurgents. The government justifies its acts of terrorism in the name of promoting national security. When the same act is perpetrated by insurgent terrorist groups, it is interpreted as a wanton criminal activity of tactless ghosts or hoodlums. However, increase in state terrorism as an instrument of national security brings about a corresponding increase in terrorist activities of insurgent groups. In fact, the terror within terrorism resides precisely in this symbiotic relationship between national security and civil insurgence. The terrorists define their behaviours either as a direct attack on regimes or as a demonstration to the apathetic public that the rulers cannot protect them and ought to be repudiated; thus, the compliant masses are confounded and frightened by this symbiotic contradiction (Michael, 1988: 90). Also, the terrorists through their numerous violent attacks seek to prove that the intuitive horror of the leviathan state cannot help in preventing the political collapse of the system when confronted with acts of extreme terrorism. Drawing inference from classical theoretical assumption, the random acts of Boko Haram terror can be classified as propaganda of the deed (Michael, 1988:92). Bombing, assassinations, kidnapping and demand for ransom by insurgent groups in Nigeria are seen as covert means of showing the vulnerability of the Nigerian State, dissatisfaction with the socio- economic inequalities and to force the state to change its coercive character of organized terror as well as to command publicity for the terrorist ideals. The sudden demonstration of bombing and wanton destruction of human and infrastructural resources by insurgent groups is to achieve the latent and residual purpose of terror. Latent terror demonstrates the ability of Boko Haram insurgents to arouse public opinion about the intended consequences of terrorist attack. The tacit objective behind terrorism is to create fear and stimulate reactions to explain the effects of anxiety in terror situations. By residual terror we mean the fears people have of a recurrence of something that actually happened to them. In Nigeria, where a large population lost parents and friends in Boko Haram bombing, there is increased predisposition to anxiety compounded by residuum and feelings of reoccurrence of random bombing. 6
13 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries So, the latent and residual elements of terrorism are aimed at increasing the levels of tension, crisis, political degeneration and social disorganization in order to put consistent pressures on the state to meet the demands of the terrorists and reform the society for the benefits of all. This shows that it is only by collapsing the social and political systems through acts of terrorism can the people restrain the states from embracing Hobbes conception of calling the sovereign a monster to adopting Aristotle s organic conception of a just state, which provides the collective framework for man to realize itself and achieve the highest good based on social equity and justice. Therefore, the absence of equity and justice in the allocation of values and resources brought about by the inability of modern states to adhere to the values and ideals of social contract theory is the root cause of rising waves of terrorism in developing countries. John Locke repeatedly insists that the end of government is the good of the state. He further posits that government should be more constitutional and base its activities on rule of law. The powers of government should remain limited and not absolute and be based on consent which may be tacit rather than open. In modern states of Africa particularly Nigeria, the government has tacitly failed to conceive government as a trust but has ultimately located sovereignty in the political elites rather than in the people. This has led to the rise of authoritarianism under the guise of democracy. Following the ideals of Locke s social contract theory, the people legitimately revolt against the government through various violent means in order to overthrow the government. Because of the authoritarian nature of most governments in developing countries, governance takes the form of repression, which compels the people to use acts of terror to press for socio-political change. This explains the revolutions in Syria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and the extreme acts of terror in Nigeria by Boko Haram, wherein the people use violence as an instrument to overthrow governments that have legitimacy crisis. Analysis of Current Events of Boko Haram Terrorist Activities in Sub -Saharan Africa The Boko Haram revolutionary activities against the Nigerian state and its institutions of government give rise to greater feelings of fear and exhilaration in Sub-Saharan Africa. Its use of extreme terror and violence conjures up images of destruction arising from reaction to the growing exploitative powers of government and the increased influence of Western capitalism in Sub-Saharan Africa. This has provided the cohesive force needed to unite the peasants to revolt against the political elites who control the national wealth and means of production, which sometimes supplies the emotive force for further fragmentation of Nigerian society. 7
14 Chigozie Enwere Volume:2 Number:4 December 2013 The concept of revolution and the extensive use of terror to contain the perceived influence of Western capitalism and its oligarchical system of government in Sub-Saharan Africa have had a long history and has changed in meaning several times. It first started during the colonial era when it referred to the restoration of an old order of values as instituted by Usman Dan Fodiyo. The revolutionary Mahdist composed of radical clerics, peasants and slaves sought to overthrow the British colonial regimes and its exploitative system of capitalism. This revolutionary resistance influenced the British colonial government to sign a pact with the Northern protectorate that the European style of education and value-system should not be implemented in the region and that indirect rule should be adopted instead of direct imperial rule (Danjibo, 2009:10). However, with the demise of colonialism in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Western powers methodologically transferred political and economic powers of the colonies to a selected group of elites under the direct control of international capitalist actors. A new capitalist system was reproduced in new states of Sub- Saharan Africa. These new independent states were also exploitative and parasitic with oligarchic leviathan political structures. The strategic inflow of unregulated capitalism into African societies created individualism, selfishness, poverty and new class of private property owners. The new economic system allowed people with money to govern, thereby subjugating all state resources for promotion of personal prestige and self interest. Therefore, in the early 1980s, the Maitatsine uprising in Northern Nigeria developed as a protest against the harsh economic exploitation of raw capitalism and hegemonic influence of Western Values that contradict traditional Islamic values. According to Muhammadu Marwa, the Maitatsine uprising was inspired by the contradictions inherent in the institutional structures of secular state (Danjibo, 2009:13). The Maitatsine uprising polarized the struggle against the state and its institutions of exploitation. Two revolutionary groups emerged to strengthen agitation against the continued existence of secular state in Nigeria. These groups were the Society for Removal of Innovation and Re-establishment of Sunnah founded in Jos in 1978 known as Izala and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria a Shite movement led by Ibrahim El-Zakzaky. Rooted in these uprisings were the quest to change the institutions OF the state and elimination of government which they regarded as the product of international capitalism. These large scales uprising by individualistic Islamic fundamentalists motivated Boko Haram to seek more popular revolt against the government to agitate for a new social organization based on Islamic values. So, Boko Haram sees government as an impediment to human progress which is to eliminated either in part or even completely (Eme and Jide, 2012:14-35). 8
15 The Relatedness of Social Contract Theory in Understanding the Rising Trends of Violent Revolution and Terrorism in Developing Countries Agreeing that government should be limited, Boko Haram tend to wage war against the Nigerian state based on the perception that Nigerian politics and economy has been annexed and controlled by corrupt elites and Western Values, which has produced ostensible corruption, poverty, concentration of wealth into the hands of the few, unemployment, centralization of power in the state and the continued suppression of true Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa (Onuoha, 2012:2). In their quest to overthrow the state they propagate anti state ideology and called on Muslims to breakdown the state s monopoly of power by a lessening of the habit of obedience through the use of extreme terror or acts of violence (Eme and Onyishi, 2011:51-67). Therefore, Walker (2012:2) argues that the lessening of obedience will erode the myths of the state, which will act as a catalyst for the destruction of the Nigerian state and creation of a new Islamic state organized under Islamic laws and value system. Thus, Boko Haram started is armed rebellion against the Nigerian state in July 26, 2009 in Bauchi state (Simeon, 2012:46-53). However its use of violence in Bauchi state has been transfigured into terrorism which has spread over Nigeria and its neighbouring Sub-Saharan African countries. As presented in table 1 below, different methods of acts of terrorism were employed by Boko Haram from with different degree of success in terms of casualties. Table 1: Types of Terror Attacks and Frequency Distribution Types of Assault/Attacks Frequency %age Armed Attacks Bombing and Explosions Midnight/ Terror Attacks Mass Murder/ Suicide Raid Assassination Murder Beheading Abduction/Kidnapping Jailbreaks Total 108 attacks 100% Source: British Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, Vol.17 No 1 (2014) Table 1 presents the analysis of the nature and types of terrorist attack typical of Boko Haram as well as the frequency in percentage occurrence. It is obvious that Boko Haram uses Improvised Explosive Devices (IED) to carry out its acts of terror and violence which represents 35.8% of their various methods of destruction of human lives (Akinfala, Akinbode and Kemmer, 2014: ). Other methods of terrorist attacks employed by Boko Haram include armed attack representing 20.7%, assassination, murder and beheading 14.2%, abduction and kidnapping 6.7%, mass murder and suicide bombing 11.3% while jail break represents only 3.8%. 9